Single-Member Districts and the Representation of Women in American State Legislatures: The Effects of Electoral System Change

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
James D. King
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Design ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
System Change ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
The State ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Quasi Experimental ◽  
Election Results ◽  
American State

This study assesses the effects of changing electoral structure on the representation of women in American state legislatures. Specifically, how does converting from multimember districts (MMDs) to single-member districts (SMDs) affect the proportion of women serving in the state legislature? I use a quasi-experimental design, comparing election results from the four states that eliminated MMDs during the reapportionment following the 1990 census to those in eight states whose systems did not change during this period. The weight of the evidence suggests that abandoning MMDs for SMDs decreases the representation of women in state legislatures.

Public Law in the State Courts in 1926–1927

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 573-597
Author(s):  
Robert E. Cushman
Keyword(s):  
Metropolitan Areas ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Public Law ◽  
Fixed Number ◽  
The State ◽  
State Courts ◽  
Large Cities ◽  
The City ◽  
Equal Population

Legislative Apportionment. The problem of the representation of large cities or metropolitan districts in state legislatures is becoming increasingly difficult and acute. The number of states in which a single center of population is with each census approaching a size which entitles it, on the basis of its inhabitants, to a controlling proportion of the representatives in the state legislature grows steadily as the current of population toward the city continues to flow. Certain states have dealt with this situation by frankly and openly discriminating against these metropolitan areas by specifying that they shall never be entitled to more than a fixed percentage of the representatives. The constitutions of certain other states do not permit this, however, but require that after each decennial census a total fixed number of members in the legislative body shall be allotted equally to districts of equal population. If this is done the metropolis is guaranteed under each apportionment the increase in representation to which its proportionate increase in population entitles it. And the answer volunteered to this problem by several state legislatures has been steadily to refuse to reapportion the state.

scholarly journals No Strength in Numbers: The Failure of Big-City Bills in American State Legislatures, 1880–2000

2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (4) ◽  
pp. 663-678 ◽  
Author(s):  
GERALD GAMM ◽  
THAD KOUSSER
Keyword(s):  
State Legislatures ◽  
The State ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Foreign Born ◽  
Small Cities ◽  
Demographic Differences ◽  
Big City ◽  
Big Cities ◽  
American State

Do big cities exert more power than less populous ones in American state legislatures? In many political systems, greater representation leads to more policy gains, yet for most of the nation's history, urban advocates have argued that big cities face systematic discrimination in statehouses. Drawing on a new historical dataset spanning 120 years and 13 states, we find clear evidence that there is no strength in numbers for big-city delegations in state legislatures. District bills affecting large metropolises fail at much higher rates than bills affecting small cities, counties, and villages. Big cities lose so often because size leads to damaging divisions. We demonstrate that the cities with the largest delegations—which are more likely to be internally divided—are the most frustrated in the legislative process. Demographic differences also matter, with district bills for cities that have many foreign-born residents, compared with the state as a whole, failing at especially high rates.

scholarly journals Reservations for Women in Kerala’s Local Self-government Institutions : A Mere Tokenism?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Navaneeth M S
Keyword(s):  
State Legislature ◽  
The State ◽  
Women Empowerment ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Government Institutions ◽  
Current State ◽  
The Many ◽  
Panchayati Raj

Kerala is one of the many states in India which allow 50 per cent reservation for women in local self-governance through the Panchayati Raj act of 2005 and hence the representation of women in the same has risen to almost 54 per cent, as of 2015. However the same is not reflected in the upper levels of governance namely state legislature and parliamentary elections despite Kerala being praised as a forerunner of women empowerment in India. The current state legislature has a mere 8 female members out of 141, which was almost the same since the first assembly which had 7 women members. Not to mention the state also send only one member to the Parliament, a numerical trend which has been consistent since 1950. Through this article, I would be examining whether women members of various local self-government bodies (Panchayat, Municipality etc.) have the same agency as that of a man and what are the factors and conditions preventing her from achieving the same

Contemporary Abortion III—Activism, Law, and Policy

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rickie Solinger
Keyword(s):  
Social Issue ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
The State ◽  
Law And Policy

How are state legislatures responding to abortion and satellite issues? In recent years many state legislatures have defined abortion and efforts to limit the procedure as their number one social issue. In fact, the state legislature, rather than Congress or the courts, has...

scholarly journals The Electability of Women Candidates in The Election of Central Java DPRD in 2014

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-165
Author(s):  
Fitriyah Fitriyah ◽  
Supratiwi Supratiwi
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
Data Display ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Central Java ◽  
Political Cost ◽  
Election Results

The study aims to analyze the factors supporting the electability of women candidates in Central Java DPRD election 2014. This type of research is descriptive. Techniques of data collection used the in-depth interviews with all women members of the Central Java DPRD election results 2014. Data processing techniques are data reduction, data display, concluding and verifying. The study found women candidates electability factors because they master/control the political capital, social capital and economics capital. By political capital (party officials) so candidate nominated in small number candidacy and electoral district party base. Social capital (activists of social/professional organizations ) support the loyalty and solidity candidate team and candidate voice, and economics capital to support the political cost. Some of them have kinship with the party elite /social elite so openly their access to social and politics capital. An open list proportional electoral system makes it difficult increasing women representation if not followed party policy affirmations committed. In order to reach the 30% the representation of women in the legislature should be intervention laws forcing the party implementing gender justice policies candidacyPenelitian ini bermaksud menganalisa faktor-faktor pendukung keterpilihan caleg perempuan di DPRD Jawa Tengah dalam Pemilu 2014. Tipe penelitian ini deskriptif.Teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan wawancara mendalam terhadap seluruh perempuan anggota DPRD Jawa Tengah hasil Pemilu 2014. Teknik pengolahan data dalam penelitian ini adalah reduksi data, display data, penarikan kesimpulan dan verifikasi. Hasil Penelitian menemukan faktor-faktor keterpilihan caleg perempuan karena mereka menguasai modal politik (pengurus partai) sehingga dicalonkan dinomor urut kecil dan dapil basis partai, modal sosial (pengurus organisasi sosial/profesi) yang membantu kerja dan mendapat dukungan suara, dan modal ekonomi untuk biaya politik, dan kekerabatan dengan elit partai/sosial membuka akses untuk modal politik dan sosial. Sistem pemilu proprsional terbuka menyulitkan kebijakan afirmasi jika tidak diikuti komitmen partai. Untuk bisa mencapai keterwakilan 30% perempuan di lembaga perwakilan harus ada intervensi undang-undang yang memaksa partai melaksanakan kebijakan berkeadilan gender dalam pencalonan

Gaining Voice

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Clark
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
Black People ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
Black Population ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
The State ◽  
Black Representation ◽  
Black Public Opinion ◽  
The One ◽  
State Legislative

This book adopts a multifaceted approach to study of black state legislators across the country. Using the descriptive representation framework, multiple facets of black representation are studied. Black seat share is the primary facet considered, and it is measured as the proportion of seats held by blacks in the state legislature. The black representation ratio measures the black seat share relative to the black population share. Parity exists when blacks are represented in the state legislature at a rate that matches their population share. Legislative black caucuses are also studied in this work, representing the institutionalization of the black presence in state legislatures. The first half of the book shows that while black people are critical for explaining black representation in state legislatures, that institutional and non-racial demographic factors also account for the black seat share, black representation ratio, and emergence of state legislative black caucuses. A “demographics is destiny” explanation insufficiently accounts for blacks gaining voice in state legislatures. The second half the book considers the consequences of black representation in state government. On the one hand, a greater black presence increases education spending, black political involvement, and liberalizes black public opinion. On the other hand, an increased black presence is linked with less liberal welfare policy, in particular in places where Democrats hold the majority of state legislative seats. Thus, an increased black presence in the legislature can be seen as a double-edged sword.

ARE MAJORITY MINORITY DISTRICTS TOO SAFE?

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-175
Author(s):  
Brandon R. Davis
Keyword(s):  
Comparison Group ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
The State ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Substantive Representation ◽  
Incumbency Advantage ◽  
Negative Effect ◽  
High Support

AbstractHow does gerrymandering affect intraparty and interparty electoral competition in state legislatures? Research has shown that electoral competition produces better representation and that descriptive representation positively affects substantive representation or policy outcomes. However, other studies have found an ever increasing incumbency advantage. I argue that the incumbency advantage within Majority Minority Districts is significant and distinct from that of majority White Democrat and Republican districts. I estimate levels of intraparty and interparty competition among Majority Minority Districts, majority White Democrat districts, and majority White Republican districts in the state legislature of Alabama. I use majority White Democrat districts as an intraparty comparison group because of African American’s statistically high support for the Democrat Party. Using three separate measures of competitiveness, I find racial gerrymandering in Alabama has a significant andsui generisnegative effect on competition within Majority Minority Districts, compared to majority White districts.

Giving the People What They Want? Legislative Polarization and Public Approval of State Legislatures

2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 270-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lilliard Richardson ◽  
Jeffrey Milyo
Keyword(s):  
National Survey ◽  
State Legislatures ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Negative View ◽  
The People ◽  
Opposing Party ◽  
Public Approval ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between approval of the state legislature and political polarization in the legislature is investigated by matching responses from a large national survey to Shor and McCarty’s ideological scores for state parties. In contrast to popular wisdom, citizens do not have a negative view of more polarized legislatures or more extreme majority parties, all else constant. Instead, legislative approval is filtered primarily through a partisan lens; partisans are more approving when their party is in control and more extreme (and less approving when the opposing party is in control and more extreme).

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