ARE MAJORITY MINORITY DISTRICTS TOO SAFE?

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-175
Author(s):  
Brandon R. Davis

AbstractHow does gerrymandering affect intraparty and interparty electoral competition in state legislatures? Research has shown that electoral competition produces better representation and that descriptive representation positively affects substantive representation or policy outcomes. However, other studies have found an ever increasing incumbency advantage. I argue that the incumbency advantage within Majority Minority Districts is significant and distinct from that of majority White Democrat and Republican districts. I estimate levels of intraparty and interparty competition among Majority Minority Districts, majority White Democrat districts, and majority White Republican districts in the state legislature of Alabama. I use majority White Democrat districts as an intraparty comparison group because of African American’s statistically high support for the Democrat Party. Using three separate measures of competitiveness, I find racial gerrymandering in Alabama has a significant andsui generisnegative effect on competition within Majority Minority Districts, compared to majority White districts.

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 573-597
Author(s):  
Robert E. Cushman

Legislative Apportionment. The problem of the representation of large cities or metropolitan districts in state legislatures is becoming increasingly difficult and acute. The number of states in which a single center of population is with each census approaching a size which entitles it, on the basis of its inhabitants, to a controlling proportion of the representatives in the state legislature grows steadily as the current of population toward the city continues to flow. Certain states have dealt with this situation by frankly and openly discriminating against these metropolitan areas by specifying that they shall never be entitled to more than a fixed percentage of the representatives. The constitutions of certain other states do not permit this, however, but require that after each decennial census a total fixed number of members in the legislative body shall be allotted equally to districts of equal population. If this is done the metropolis is guaranteed under each apportionment the increase in representation to which its proportionate increase in population entitles it. And the answer volunteered to this problem by several state legislatures has been steadily to refuse to reapportion the state.


2002 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
James D. King

This study assesses the effects of changing electoral structure on the representation of women in American state legislatures. Specifically, how does converting from multimember districts (MMDs) to single-member districts (SMDs) affect the proportion of women serving in the state legislature? I use a quasi-experimental design, comparing election results from the four states that eliminated MMDs during the reapportionment following the 1990 census to those in eight states whose systems did not change during this period. The weight of the evidence suggests that abandoning MMDs for SMDs decreases the representation of women in state legislatures.


Author(s):  
Rickie Solinger

How are state legislatures responding to abortion and satellite issues? In recent years many state legislatures have defined abortion and efforts to limit the procedure as their number one social issue. In fact, the state legislature, rather than Congress or the courts, has...


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 929-943 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefani Langehennig ◽  
Joseph Zamadics ◽  
Jennifer Wolak

Does the public’s approval of their state legislature reflect their satisfaction with the outputs of state government? Using survey responses from the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we consider the roots of public approval of state legislatures. We find that people are more likely to voice approval of their state legislature when it produces policy outcomes that correspond with their interests. Liberals view their state legislature more positively when policy outputs are liberal, while conservatives evaluate their state legislature more favorably when policy outcomes are conservative. These effects are the most pronounced among those who are the most knowledgeable about state politics. Using panel data from 2012 to 2014, we also show that changes in state policy liberalism are associated with changes in state legislative approval. Even though we have reasons to be pessimistic about the quality of citizens’ assessments of state government, our results demonstrate that citizens evaluate their state legislatures based on the policy outcomes they provide.


2003 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 197-211
Author(s):  
John J. McGlennon

Virginia has become a mature two-party system in recent decades, with Democrats and Republicans actively competing for statewide offices and control of the state legislature. This com-petition has been accompanied by an acceleration of the partisan divide among party activists over issues and ideology, giving voters a clear choice between parties which are much more representative of their national counterparts. The erosion of Democratic dominance has been long accepted, and both GOP and Democratic activists see their party structures strengthening as they prepare for continued electoral competition.


Author(s):  
Christopher J. Clark

This book adopts a multifaceted approach to study of black state legislators across the country. Using the descriptive representation framework, multiple facets of black representation are studied. Black seat share is the primary facet considered, and it is measured as the proportion of seats held by blacks in the state legislature. The black representation ratio measures the black seat share relative to the black population share. Parity exists when blacks are represented in the state legislature at a rate that matches their population share. Legislative black caucuses are also studied in this work, representing the institutionalization of the black presence in state legislatures. The first half of the book shows that while black people are critical for explaining black representation in state legislatures, that institutional and non-racial demographic factors also account for the black seat share, black representation ratio, and emergence of state legislative black caucuses. A “demographics is destiny” explanation insufficiently accounts for blacks gaining voice in state legislatures. The second half the book considers the consequences of black representation in state government. On the one hand, a greater black presence increases education spending, black political involvement, and liberalizes black public opinion. On the other hand, an increased black presence is linked with less liberal welfare policy, in particular in places where Democrats hold the majority of state legislative seats. Thus, an increased black presence in the legislature can be seen as a double-edged sword.


2016 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 270-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lilliard Richardson ◽  
Jeffrey Milyo

The relationship between approval of the state legislature and political polarization in the legislature is investigated by matching responses from a large national survey to Shor and McCarty’s ideological scores for state parties. In contrast to popular wisdom, citizens do not have a negative view of more polarized legislatures or more extreme majority parties, all else constant. Instead, legislative approval is filtered primarily through a partisan lens; partisans are more approving when their party is in control and more extreme (and less approving when the opposing party is in control and more extreme).


Author(s):  
А.В. Суханов ◽  
А.А. Гуражева ◽  
Д.В. Денисова ◽  
В.Н. Максимов

Ген APOE - это один из наиболее известных генов, ассоциированных с развитием как сердечно-сосудистых, так и нейродегенеративных заболеваний центральной нервной системы, сопровождающихся нарушением когнитивных функций (КФ). В ходе настоящего исследования изучены ассоциации аллелей гена APOE с нарушением КФ у подростков г. Новосибирска. Состояние КФ было оценено у 231 мальчика (42,1%) и у 318 девочки (57,9%). Их средний возраст составил 15,66 ± 0,9 года. Выявлено, что наличие аллеля Е4 оказывает негативное влияние на состояние рабочей памяти уже в подростковом возрасте. The APOE gene is one of the most famous genes associated with the development of both cardiovascular diseases and neurodegenerative diseases of the central nervous system, accompanied by impaired cognitive functions. In the course of this study, the associations of APOE gene alleles with cognitive functions violation in the adolescent population of Novosibirsk were studied. The state of cognitive functions was evaluated in 231 boys (42.1%) and 318 girls (57.9%). Their average age was 15.66 ± 0.9 years. It was revealed that the presence of the E4 allele of the APOE gene has a negative effect on the state of working memory even in adolescence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsey Haynes-Maslow ◽  
Stephanie B. Jilcott Pitts ◽  
Kathryn A. Boys ◽  
Jared T. McGuirt ◽  
Sheila Fleischhacker ◽  
...  

Abstract Background The North Carolina Healthy Food Small Retailer Program (NC HFSRP) was established through a policy passed by the state legislature to provide funding for small food retailers located in food deserts with the goal of increasing access to and sales of healthy foods and beverages among local residents. The purpose of this study was to qualitatively examine perceptions of the NC HFSRP among store customers. Methods Qualitative interviews were conducted with 29 customers from five NC HFSRP stores in food deserts across eastern NC. Interview questions were related to shoppers’ food and beverage purchases at NC HFSRP stores, whether they had noticed any in-store efforts to promote healthier foods and beverages, their suggestions for promoting healthier foods and beverages, their familiarity with and support of the NC HFSRP, and how their shopping and consumption habits had changed since implementation of the NC HFSRP. A codebook was developed based on deductive (from the interview guide questions) and inductive (emerged from the data) codes and operational definitions. Verbatim transcripts were double-coded and a thematic analysis was conducted based on code frequency, and depth of participant responses for each code. Results Although very few participants were aware of the NC HFSRP legislation, they recognized changes within the store. Customers noted that the provision of healthier foods and beverages in the store had encouraged them to make healthier purchase and consumption choices. When a description of the NC HFSRP was provided to them, all participants were supportive of the state-funded program. Participants discussed program benefits including improving food access in low-income and/or rural areas and making healthy choices easier for youth and for those most at risk of diet-related chronic diseases. Conclusions Findings can inform future healthy corner store initiatives in terms of framing a rationale for funding or policies by focusing on increased food access among vulnerable populations.


1995 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-164
Author(s):  
Ellen M. Crowley

A sexual assault trial requires a court to balance evidentiary privileges enacted by a state legislature against a criminal defendant's constitutional trial rights. State legislatures enact various privileges which either limit or prohibit the discovery of confidential communications in criminal trials. Such statutes reflect a firmly based legislative effort to protect citizens’ private and personal confidences from unwarranted public scrutiny. When a defendant charged with sexual assault seeks to compel discovery of the victim's privileged medical, psychiatric, or counseling records, a conflict inevitably arises. States and victims assert that courts must respect statutory assurances of confidentiality; defendants assert that their constitutional right to a fair trial and their right to confront the witnesses and evidence against them mandates disclosure. Resolution of this pressing conflict requires a careful balancing of both the state's and defendant's interests on a case by case basis.


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