The comedian as populist leader: Postironic narratives in an age of cynical irony

Leadership ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-244
Author(s):  
Keir Milburn

In October 2013 during a fractious interview with Jeremy Paxman for the Newsnight TV programme, the comedian Russell Brand called for a revolution against a self-serving political and economic elite. Over the following 18 months Brand became a prominent Left-wing political figure in the UK This paper suggests that Brand’s experience was not isolated but forms part of a wider contemporary trend of comedians becoming populist political leaders. Other examples include the French comedian Dieudonné and the Italian comedian Beppe Grillo, whose political party Movimento 5 Stelle is currently the largest in the Italian Parliament and part of the governing coalition. Using Brand as a case study the paper examines his political storytelling for its structure and mode of deployment. Whenever Brand ventures forward a sincere statement he always stands ready to ironize it in order to avoid the perception of piety. Using Peter Sloterdijk’s discussion of cynical reason and Slajov Zizek’s concept of cynical irony I suggest that a post-political ironic detachment has become the dominant mode of ideology. I then argue that this ironic detachment has come under increasing pressure since the economic crisis of 2008 and the increased political engagement it has provoked. It is within this aspect of the conjuncture that we can position the discourse about a Post-Truth era and Post-Truth leaders. The comedian as political leader, I argue, shows a particular route through this problem. They represent transitional figures pioneering the shift from ironic detachment to postironic statements and narratives of political sincerity of the kind that sustained political engagement requires.

Author(s):  
N. A. Mozumder

AbstractThis article presents findings from a qualitative study (via in-depth interviews with 121 local political leaders from 65 local authorities in the UK) that aims to understand how ethical leadership practices can restore public trust in political leaders. The study finds that being a moral person, an ethical political leader sets good examples of behaviour, sets the tone at the top and challenges those who do not behave ethically, as well as encourages, supports and rewards those who perform and conduct themselves well. As a result, the level of public trust in political leaders is likely to increase gradually.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Régis Ebeling ◽  
Carlos Córdova Sáenz ◽  
Jeferson Campos Nobre ◽  
Karin Becker

The worldwide COVID-19 pandemic has struck people’s lives overnight. With an alarming contagious rate and no effective treatments or vaccines, it has evoked all sorts of reactions. In this paper, we propose a framework to analyze how political polarization affects groups’ behavior with opposed stances, using the Brazilian COVID polarized scenario as a case study. Two Twitter groups represent the pro/against social isolation stances referred to as Chloroquiners and Quarenteners. The framework encompasses: a) techniques to automatically infer from users political orientation, b) topic modeling to discover the homogeneity of concerns expressed by each group; c) network analysis and community detection to characterize their behavior as a social network group and d) analysis of linguistic characteristics to identify psychological aspects. Our main findings confirm that Cloroquiners are right-wing partisans, whereas Quarenteners are more related to the left-wing. The political polarization of Chloroquiners and Quarenteners influence the arguments of economy and life, and support/opposition to the president. As a group, the network of Chloroquiners is more closed and connected, and Quarenteners have a more diverse political engagement. In terms of psychological aspects, polarized groups come together on cognitive issues and negative emotions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 526-540
Author(s):  
Barbara Henderson

Abstract Although the UK has a centuries-old history of subversive singing, since the election of a Conservative-led government in 2010 and imposition of austerity-based economic and social policies, the number of choirs with a political philosophy and mission has grown. The website CampaignChoirs lists around thirty political choirs committed to a left-wing, green or anarchist agenda, which is reflected in the music and related actions. This paper takes as its case study the Leeds-based Commoners Choir and considers how its musical decisions enable it to communicate protest politics. Using critical discourse analysis, this study adds to the dialogue on musical discourse by focusing on the speech acts contained within the lyrics; the social impact of the Commoners’ performances; and the use of dialect to root the works within a distinctly northern culture. It concludes that careful consideration of discourse can demonstrate a more measurable authenticity in an artistic act of protest.


1980 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 32-36
Author(s):  
Stewart Brown

For several years tensions in the former British colony of Guyana have been running high. Since the late 1960s Prime Minister Forbes Burnham and his party, the Peoples National Congress, have been accused of keeping power through a combination of fraudulent elections, the sponsoring and equipping of private armies of thugs (often linked to religious cults such as that of the notorious Rev Jim Jones and, currently, the ‘House of Israel’ led by the self-dubbed' Rabbi Washington'), the manipulation of the ugly racial divisions between those of African and Indian origin, and the harassment of the opposition. This last has included restrictions on the press, by interrupting newsprint supplies and intimidating printers, and outright murder. A number of recent events have brought the situation to a head. On 14 February 1980 the PNC-dominated National Assembly approved a new constitution which gives Burnham the position of Executive President and virtually unlimited powers. At the beginning of June the trial finally began, after two postponements, of three leading members of the left-wing opposition Working Peoples Alliance - academics Drs Walter Rodney, Rupert Roopnaraine and Omawale - accused of burning down the PNC headquarters in Georgetown in July 1979. Such were the doubts about the fairness of the trial, which the authorities had decided should be held summarily before a judge rather than by jury, that several international human rights agencies, including Amnesty International, the UK Parliamentary Human Rights Group and the United States National Council of Churches, sent observers. In the event, lack of evidence and radical inconsistencies in that which was presented, resulted in a further adjournment until August. The trial was accompanied by widespread arrests in various parts of the country, the erection of roadblocks, house searches and heavy-handed police operations to prevent demonstrations. Finally, on the evening of 13 June, days after the trial was adjourned, Walter Rodney was killed when a bomb exploded in his brother's car in Georgetown. Despite official denials all the indications were of assassination by a government-sponsored death squad. There was world-wide outrage, including statements by Commonwealth leaders Michael Manley and Robert Mugabe. Rodney's death deprives Guyana of one of the world's foremost specialists in African and Caribbean history, as well as of an able political leader, whose young and growing party has made considerable strides in overcoming racial antagonism. In the article which follows, Stewart Brown, an English specialist in Caribbean literature and himself a poet, looks at the writing of Guyana's leading poet, Martin Carter, and, through his work, at the general situation of the writer in the post-independence Caribbean.


Author(s):  
Madelaina DePace

First elected in 1998, Hungary’s current leading political party, Fidesz, has used its influence to dismantle the left-wing democratic narrative constructed by the municipal body of the city by inscribing its own ideals on the city’s infrastructure. Through parks, memorials, and museums, the national identity of Budapest has been reshaped by those in power. This paper explores the ways in which political power and ideology are reflected in city infrastructure and how that infrastructure, in turn, is used to support political power and ideology. Using Budapest as a case study highlights the ways in which social memory can be manipulated to the benefit or detriment of democratic society.


Humaniora ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 303
Author(s):  
Ferry Doringin ◽  
Kristianus Oktriono

The objective of this research was to see the political aspects in the success of educational leader using qualitative case study method. Leaders must realize their roles as a CEO, as an academician, and as a political leader. The research problem was why did the educational leaders had difficulty to take their role as political leaders and how to inspire them doing the role? The research applied a qualitative method by using “how” and “why” questions for analysis. There were some complicated issues in educational activities that were difficult to be solved but became easier if educational leaders have skills in persuading, negotiating, and using political process. The significant of the study was to inspire the educational leaders that they did not only take their role as the CEO, or the academician, but also the role as political leaders to be more successful in leading. Vocational and Training institutions in Indonesia face some challenges to be successful in ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) era. The leaders of the institutions will be more successful if they understand the political roles, political process, and political techniques.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-122
Author(s):  
Julian Richards

From the 2014 referendum in the UK on Scottish independence, a number of political leaders in the West have accused the Russian government of industrial-scale organised disinformation, designed to undermine the democratic process. A number of allegations have also suggested that the Kremlin has been providing financial and other aid to far-right groups in the West to disrupt the political process. In this analysis, the case study of the UK is taken in the period 2014-20. An examination is taken of current research on the scale and effect of organised Russian disinformation strategies; and the emerging official narrative in the UK government about how to deal with the problem. This narrative reveals a complex interplay between defending democracy, while maintaining a “hands-off” approach and ensuring that tech business is welcomed.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 108-118
Author(s):  
Rajendra Parsad GUNPUTH

Cultural barriers2 in terms of castes, religions and politics have been a major obstacle to most Hindus especially in inter-multicultural countries like India or Mauritius with serious impacts on peace. And any international organisation, especially the UNESCO 3, would disprove it. However, are interculturality and peace4 related and if yes5 to what extent? In a contextual approach, this paper deals with cultural barriers to peace reflecting the revival of the doctrine of Indian avatars focusing on to what extent human rights may also include the doctrine of Mahatma Gandhi to achieve peace in a multicultural society 6? Cultural barriers to peace in a multicultural country like Mauritius had already been encountered in India by Mahatma Gandhi. Castes, religion, creed and colour and political appurtenance have undermined peace in India and we may be influenced of the work and philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi to inspire our political leaders, citizens and other religious groups to overcome the same barriers in the same way he did that is non-violence. However, Mahatma Gandhi has never been a political leader per se but a religious man instead. Through a contextual approach and without taboo, the co-authors try to reflect on the subject matter with particular reference to the Mauritian case study, to what extent Gandhi’s philosophy is useful and omnipresent today and to what extent it can shed light in our fragile inter-multicultural society to avoid tensions among the different and existing social, religious and political groups.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Régis Ebeling ◽  
Carlos Abel Córdova Sáenz ◽  
Jeferson Nobre ◽  
Karin Becker

The COVID-19 pandemic changed the routine and concerns of people around the world since 2020. The alarming contagious rate and the lack of treatment or vaccine evoked different reactions to controlling and mitigating the virus's contagious. In this paper, we developed a case study on the Brazilian COVID scenario, investigating the influence of the political polarization in the pro/against stances of social isolation, represented in Twitter by two groups referred to as the Cloroquiners and Quarenteners. We analyzed these groups according to multiple dimensions: a) concerns expressed by each group and main arguments representing each stance; b) techniques to automatically infer from users political orientation, c) network analysis and community detection to characterize their behavior as a social network group and d) analysis of linguistic characteristics to identify psychological aspects. We propose combining two topic modeling techniques, LDA and BERTopics, to understand each stance's concerns in different granularity levels. Our main findings confirm that Cloroquiners are right-wing partisans, whereas Quarenteners are more related to the left-wing. Cloroquiners and Quarenteners' political polarization influences the arguments of economy and life and a stronger support/opposition to the president. As a group, the network of Cloroquiners is more closed and connected, and Quarenteners have a more diverse political engagement with a community of users polarized only with left-wing politicians and his supporters. In terms of psychological aspects, polarized groups come together on cognitive issues and negative emotions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Collard ◽  
Tudi Kernalegenn

AbstractAgainst a long trend decline in the membership of political parties in Western democracies, there has been an unexpected surge in the UK since 2015. Interestingly, this phenomenon has also been observed amongst British expatriates, despite their historically very low levels of engagement. Our paper explores this development using a multi-methods approach to investigate its impact across the three main parties, comparing the relative importance of supply-side and demand-side factors in each case. We show that the creation and development of British parties abroad are the result of two contrasting dynamics: a top-down one, which gives legitimacy and structure and in some cases, resources, and a bottom-up one, which gives purpose but also networks. Our survey of British expatriate party members reveals a diversity of triggers and motivations for membership, making an original contribution to the wider literature on party membership and on the political engagement of emigrants.


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