Choices of crisis

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 364-366
Author(s):  
Guy Baeten

This comment on Larner's (2011) article deals with the political power of certain conceptualisations of neoliberalism and questions the Anglo-American ways of reading the history of neoliberalism. The inclusion of key moments of neoliberalisation and crisis outside the Anglo-American world would provide different readings of the processes of neoliberalisation. The ‘choice’ of crises matters for our understanding of the contemporary neoliberal condition.

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (03) ◽  
pp. 463-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth F. Cohen

In the English constitutional tradition, subjecthood has been primarily derived from two circumstances: place of birth and time of birth. People not born in the right place and at the right time are not considered subjects. What political status they hold varies and depends largely on the political history of the territory in which they reside at the exact time of their birth. A genealogy of early modern British subjecthood reveals that law based on dates and temporal durations—what I will call collectivelyjus tempus—creates sovereign boundaries as powerful as territorial borders or bloodlines. This concept has myriad implications for how citizenship comes to be institutionalized in modern politics. In this article, I briefly outline one route through whichjus tempusbecame a constitutive principle within the Anglo-American tradition of citizenship and how this concept works with other principles of membership to create subtle gradations of semi-citizenship beyond the binary of subject and alien. I illustrate two main points aboutjus tempus: first, how specific dates create sovereign boundaries among people and second, how durational time takes on an abstract value in politics that allows certain kinds of attributes, actions, and relationships to be translated into rights-bearing political statuses. I conclude with some remarks about how, once established, the principle ofjus tempusis applied in a diverse array of political contexts.


Antiquity ◽  
1931 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 277-290
Author(s):  
Flinders Petrie

When we look at the great diversity of man’s activities and interests, it is evident how much space they afford for reviewing his history in many different ways. To most of our historians the view of the political power and course of legislation has seemed all that need be noticed; others have dealt with history in religion, or the growth of mind in changes of moral standards, as in Lecky’s fine work. In recent years the history of knowledge in medicine, in the applied sciences, and in abstract mathematics, has been profitably studied, as affording the basis of civilization. The purely mental view is shown in the social life and customs of each age, and expressed in the growth of Art. This last expression of man’s spirit has great advantages in its presentation; the material from different ages is of a comparable nature, and it is easily placed together to contrast its differences. Moreover it covers a wider range of time than we can et observe in man’s scope, but it is as essential to his nature as any of the other aspects that we have named.


ICL Journal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanaa Ahmed

AbstractDespite a rich history of judicial review, the activism witnessed during the tenure of former Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry (2005-2013The Chaudhry court’s activism is mapped against the historic trajectory of judicial review in Pakistan, particularly the cases pertaining to military takeovers and administrative law. It is contended that the seeming expansion of the frontiers of judicial review merely mark the renegotiation of political power between the judiciary, the military as well as political and economic elite. Further, it is argued that the economy was the most convenient amphi­theatre for this battle for greater political relevance by and among the political actors in contemporary Pakistan and not, as alleged, what was actually being fought over.


Author(s):  
C. C. TOLENTINO ◽  
Paulo Eduardo A. SILVA

Records on the trial and sentencing for heresy of French warrior Joan of Arc dating to 1431 have been studied by a variety of fields. The present work explores the primary sources and several of these studies in the aim of analyzing the political significance of the forms adopted during the trial. From a perspective poised between the history of law and procedural law, the article clarifies aspects of the practical functioning of the Roman Canon inquisitorial procedure at the end of the Middle Ages, and, more widely, the phenomenon of the capillarization of the political power by means of the production of truth. The article concludes that, although Joan of Arc’s trial was clearly politically motivated, several of its dimensions correspond to the procedural practices of the time, leading us to an understanding that the influence of power over trials does not necessarily manifest in a direct violation of procedural rules, but rather in their very design and the ways in which they are put into operation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2 (176)) ◽  
pp. 325-350
Author(s):  
Andrzej Bonusiak

Treatise on the Political Activity of the Polish Minority in Ukraine (1988–2018). Selected Aspects. The article presents the political activity of Polish diaspora in independent Ukraine. It shows the forms of this activity and its results, referring to examples of selected representatives of the Polish minority. The text also highlights the attempt to create an independent political movement of Poles on the Dnieper, as well as the history of activities of the independent Polish political party on the Dnieper River. The analysis of the situation taking place in the discussed range of 1988–2018 allows us to conclude that representatives of the Polish minority had the opportunity to conduct political activity in Ukraine, regardless of whether they had their own political party or not. It seems that in the specific geopolitical situation in this country the Polish diaspora can effectively operate only in close cooperation with the organizations of the national majority. This in turn allows us to state that the actions aimed at building their own political power were wrong. Keywords: Polish minority, contemporary Ukraine, politics, activity Streszczenie Artykuł prezentuje działalność polityczną Polaków na terenie niepodległej Ukrainy. Pokazuje formy tej działalności i jej rezultaty, odwołując się do przykładów wybranych przedstawicieli mniejszości polskiej. W tekście pokazana jest również próba stworzenia samodzielnego ruchu politycznego Polaków nad Dnieprem, a także przybliżona została historia zabiegów o niezależne stronnictwo polityczne Polaków nad Dnieprem. Analiza sytuacji mającej miejsce w omawianym zakresie w latach 1988–2018 pozwala stwierdzić, że przedstawiciele mniejszości polskiej mieli możliwość prowadzenia działalności politycznej na Ukrainie niezależnie od tego, czy posiadali własną partię polityczną. Wydaje się, że w specyficznej sytuacji geopolitycznej istniejącej w tym kraju diaspora polska może skutecznie działać jedynie w ścisłym związku z organizacjami większościowych grup ludności, co pozwala stwierdzić, iż działania mające na celu budowę własnej siły politycznej były błędne.


2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 288-305
Author(s):  
Allen Fromherz

Despite the calamities of the fourteenth century, the Black Death, the disintegration of political power, and the destructive rivalry between North African and Andalusī rulers, the correspondence of two scholars and ministers, Ibn al-Khaṭīb and Ibn Khaldūn, reveals a network of intellectual contacts maintained above the fray. As Ibn al-Khaṭīb’s famous essay, the “Art of Being a Minister,” made clear, the intelligentsia saw itself as both within and above the political milieu. The conferring of diplomas from teacher to student was based as much on personal loyalty as on scholarship. In the same century, however, many members of the intellectual club, including Ibn Khaldūn and his teachers, complained that rulers limited the traditional freedoms of the scholars and ministers. Ibn Khaldūn articulated these moves as assaults on true scholarship. The intellectuals writing the history of the fourteenth-century Mediterranean were not simply agents of the rulers they worked for; rather, even as rivals they saw themselves as guardians in a family of letters, linked more by the ijāza than by blood. They were, or at least aspired to be, members of an intellectual class that transcended political and, sometimes, religious boundaries.


1977 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Garrard

This paper represents an attempt to analyse certain aspects of the work on ‘community power’ within a historical context. It begins with a critical review of those writers whose work has included a historical dimension, particularly R. A. Dahl. It is argued that generalizations about the location of power in the past need to go beyond the mere analysis of the background of office-holders, and the consequent search for a socioeconomic ‘élite’. Indeed, such generalizations need to be tested quite as rigorously as any that are made about the present. On the basis of research done on Salford, an attempt is made to suggest a framework for the comparative analysis of the political context within which nineteenth-century urban municipal leaders operated, and by which their power was conditioned.


2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 325-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nader Hashemi

This article is intended to advance conceptual clarity on the topic of secularism in Muslim societies. It seeks to uncover unique historical developments that have influenced and shaped debate on this topic. In the first part, a distinction is made between the different social scientific categories of secularism, focusing on the philosophical, sociological and political dimensions of secularism. The second section provides a broad overview of the different histories of political secularism, and focuses on the two dominant models that have been bequeathed to us from the Western tradition of political thought: Anglo-American secularism and French secularism ( laïcité). In the final section, the political history of Muslim societies is briefly explored with the goal of providing a tentative answer to the question: historically, why did political secularism not emerge in Muslim societies?


Author(s):  
Rudo Mudiwa

This chapter argues that the term ‘prostitute’ is part of the political grammar in Zimbabwe, used to discipline women’s participation in party politics. Rather than approaching the use of this term as an unfortunate but prosaic aspect of politics, it situates the term in the now well-documented history of colonial policing and administration. ‘Out of place’ black women were linked to chaos and social breakdown, spurring attempts to control their visibility and mobility. The chapter argues that in likening politicians to prostitutes, women who monetize their own sexual labour, the term reveals the extent to which the control of women’s bodies, sexuality, and labour remains a key focus of the post-independence state. Moreover, it examines the use of this term alongside the growing visibility and tacit acceptance of sex work in Zimbabwe’s cities. Drawing from media coverage and interviews, this chapter examines the careers of four Zimbabwean female political figures, Joice Mujuru and Grace Mugabe from ZANU-PF, along with Thabitha Khumalo and Priscilla Misihairabwi-Mushonga from the MDC factions. It examines how these differently situated women have managed their public visibility under such constraints by deploying, rebuffing, or reappropriating the term prostitute.


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