scholarly journals Rzecz o działalności politycznej mniejszości polskiej na Ukrainie (1988–2018). Wybrane aspekty

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2 (176)) ◽  
pp. 325-350
Author(s):  
Andrzej Bonusiak

Treatise on the Political Activity of the Polish Minority in Ukraine (1988–2018). Selected Aspects. The article presents the political activity of Polish diaspora in independent Ukraine. It shows the forms of this activity and its results, referring to examples of selected representatives of the Polish minority. The text also highlights the attempt to create an independent political movement of Poles on the Dnieper, as well as the history of activities of the independent Polish political party on the Dnieper River. The analysis of the situation taking place in the discussed range of 1988–2018 allows us to conclude that representatives of the Polish minority had the opportunity to conduct political activity in Ukraine, regardless of whether they had their own political party or not. It seems that in the specific geopolitical situation in this country the Polish diaspora can effectively operate only in close cooperation with the organizations of the national majority. This in turn allows us to state that the actions aimed at building their own political power were wrong. Keywords: Polish minority, contemporary Ukraine, politics, activity Streszczenie Artykuł prezentuje działalność polityczną Polaków na terenie niepodległej Ukrainy. Pokazuje formy tej działalności i jej rezultaty, odwołując się do przykładów wybranych przedstawicieli mniejszości polskiej. W tekście pokazana jest również próba stworzenia samodzielnego ruchu politycznego Polaków nad Dnieprem, a także przybliżona została historia zabiegów o niezależne stronnictwo polityczne Polaków nad Dnieprem. Analiza sytuacji mającej miejsce w omawianym zakresie w latach 1988–2018 pozwala stwierdzić, że przedstawiciele mniejszości polskiej mieli możliwość prowadzenia działalności politycznej na Ukrainie niezależnie od tego, czy posiadali własną partię polityczną. Wydaje się, że w specyficznej sytuacji geopolitycznej istniejącej w tym kraju diaspora polska może skutecznie działać jedynie w ścisłym związku z organizacjami większościowych grup ludności, co pozwala stwierdzić, iż działania mające na celu budowę własnej siły politycznej były błędne.

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Nuraini A Manan

The discussion of the Fatimid Dynasty was an interesting discussion, because the controversy caused by the dynasty was enough to stir the Islamic world. Some author said this kingdom has a great contribution to introduce Muslims to science, because they build the University of al-Azhar. On the other hand, this kingdom is said to be an intolerant extremist kingdom, suppressing Sunni Muslims or Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah. The history of the kingdom filled with oppression, deceit, and deviation from the teachings of Islam is also another side that needs to be raised and discussed. Before discussing the political power of the Fatimid dynasty, we first discuss the ideology of this kingdom, because this is the underlying political movement. Fatimid dynasty was a Shiite-ideological kingdom, more precisely the Ismailis. Isma’ili Shi’ah is a Shi’ite sect who believes that Ismail bin Ja’far is the seventh priest, as for the majority of Shia (Shi’a Itsna Asyriyah) believes that Musah bin Ja’fa was the seventh imam after Ja’far ash-Sadiq. The differences in this subject matter then evolved into other doctrinal principles that increasingly distinguished Ismaili Shiite teachings from mainstream Shiite, Shiite Asna Asyriyah, so this teaching became a separate sect. Ismailis have beliefs that deviate far from the teachings and creeds of Islam. Like other Shiite sects, Isma’ilis Shiites also believe that priests are awake from sinful deeds, they are perfect figures, and there is no gap at all


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-206
Author(s):  
Erman

The research aimed to reveal the history of the Raya Magazine and writing on political movements promoted by Islamic College students in Minangkabau. The research findings succeeded in revealing that Raya Magazine was present in the midst of strengthening colonial political pressure and the weakening of the national movement in the 1930s. The political movement was one of the themes of the national movement which was of special note and attention to the Islamic College Students Association. This theme was encountered in several articles during publication, mainly related to the weakening of non-cooperative parties in carrying out movements. The social situation that helped shape the theme of the political movement was the impact caused by the application of vergaderverbood in 1933 and arrested a number of non-cooperative parties leaders, especially Partindo, PNI Baru, and Permi.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 314-336
Author(s):  
ADEEBA AZIZ KHAN

AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of middlemen to organize and mobilize (in order to disrupt through hartals and strikes), power is often in the hands of those mid-level leaders who are in charge of mobilizing because their demands cannot be ignored by the topmost leadership. Through studying the candidate-nomination process of the major political parties and using the Narayanganj mayoral election of 2011 as a case study, I answer questions such as whose interests political parties are representing, what channels of influence are being used, and why these channels exist.


Antiquity ◽  
1931 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 277-290
Author(s):  
Flinders Petrie

When we look at the great diversity of man’s activities and interests, it is evident how much space they afford for reviewing his history in many different ways. To most of our historians the view of the political power and course of legislation has seemed all that need be noticed; others have dealt with history in religion, or the growth of mind in changes of moral standards, as in Lecky’s fine work. In recent years the history of knowledge in medicine, in the applied sciences, and in abstract mathematics, has been profitably studied, as affording the basis of civilization. The purely mental view is shown in the social life and customs of each age, and expressed in the growth of Art. This last expression of man’s spirit has great advantages in its presentation; the material from different ages is of a comparable nature, and it is easily placed together to contrast its differences. Moreover it covers a wider range of time than we can et observe in man’s scope, but it is as essential to his nature as any of the other aspects that we have named.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 364-366
Author(s):  
Guy Baeten

This comment on Larner's (2011) article deals with the political power of certain conceptualisations of neoliberalism and questions the Anglo-American ways of reading the history of neoliberalism. The inclusion of key moments of neoliberalisation and crisis outside the Anglo-American world would provide different readings of the processes of neoliberalisation. The ‘choice’ of crises matters for our understanding of the contemporary neoliberal condition.


1967 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-86
Author(s):  
Donald W. Bray

In a majority of Latin-American countries the coup d'etat rather than the ballot is still the institutionalized mechanism for transferring political power. Some states, like Haiti and Paraguay, are clearly in the “prehistory” of modern political parties. Nevertheless, in the twentieth century the political party with a developed ideology has become a major feature of Latin-American political life.


ICL Journal ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanaa Ahmed

AbstractDespite a rich history of judicial review, the activism witnessed during the tenure of former Chief Justice of Pakistan Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry (2005-2013The Chaudhry court’s activism is mapped against the historic trajectory of judicial review in Pakistan, particularly the cases pertaining to military takeovers and administrative law. It is contended that the seeming expansion of the frontiers of judicial review merely mark the renegotiation of political power between the judiciary, the military as well as political and economic elite. Further, it is argued that the economy was the most convenient amphi­theatre for this battle for greater political relevance by and among the political actors in contemporary Pakistan and not, as alleged, what was actually being fought over.


Kosmik Hukum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Udiyo Basuki

In a democratic country the relationship between the state and the people must be a reflection of a mutualistic symbiosis. This means that these relationships must be mutually dependent and mutually beneficial. This relationship will be evident when the political system developed by a country provides sufficient space for political activities in the community. This space for political activity will give color to democratic life in a country. The principle of democracy and people's sovereignty requires people's participation in the life of the state administration. People or citizens are not only objects, but subjects and play an important role in the life of the state. For this reason, the existence of a representative institution is an absolute that must be fulfilled in a democratic country with people's sovereignty. According to modern democracy, political parties, general elections and representative institutions are three institutions that cannot be separated from one another. That every political party will always strive to gain large popular support during general elections so that the representative institution can be dominated by the political party concerned.Keywords: political parties, general elections, democracy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 700-716
Author(s):  
Andrii Kudriachenko ◽  
Viktoriia Soloshenko

The article states that the political party system formed on the constitutional basis of the Basic Law of Germany is one of the key pillars of democracy of the German state. The Western German-style political party system, based on a substantial legal framework, political culture, and traditions, has convincingly proved its democratic spirit and viability over several decades of the post-war period. The effectiveness of this system was ensured by the presence of the two large parties, the Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats. The attractiveness of their policy priorities, broad political activity, and statist approaches made it possible to displace other, less influential, parties. The effectiveness and viability of the political party system of Germany are also proven by the course of the process of restoring the country’s state unity. The current period is characterised by systemic crisis phenomena, which have not spared German major parties. These processes are also taking place in other European countries, as previously stable parties transform over time into an idiosyncratic kind of political and technological institutions. For them, short-term success is a priority and is defined by the number of votes cast, rather than the focus on robust principles and visions of the future. However, it may be fair to claim that the whole previous experience testifies to the creativity of the political party system of post-war Germany, thus making the modern Federal Republic of Germany able to cope with contemporary problems and challenges. This is – and will be – buttressed by time and new approaches pursued by politicians, experts, and scholars as well as the previous practice of reaching compromises and social concord in the name of national interests. The political party system was and remains an important constituent of the entire state and political system of Germany. Keywords: political party system, Federal Republic of Germany, state system, Germany, Christian Democrats, Social Democrats.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuuki Maruyama

Shapley-Shubik Power Index per person (SSPIPP) is defined as the ratio of a political party's Shapley-Shubik Power Index in Parliament to the number of people who voted for the party. SSPIPP can be regarded as the political power each of them has. This model reveals the relationship between the party size and SSPIPP and shows it in a graph. The graph is M-shaped and reveals the optimal party size that maximizes SSPIPP. According to this model, the more votes required to pass bills in Parliament, the smaller the optimal party size becomes. This model also predicts that in countries which require a supermajority vote to pass bills, party system fragmentation tends to last long.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document