Biblical Israel and the Modern State

1968 ◽  
Vol 19 (10) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
William Holladay

(Christians involved in mission in the Middle East must grapple constantly with issues raised by the state of Israel, and by Arab attitudes toward that nation. This month's Bulletin presents an analysis of some of these issues, by the Professor of Old Testament at the Near East School of Theology, Beirut, Lebanon. This paper is a condensation of a lecture delivered in January, 1968, at the University Christian Center Forum in Beirut. It is available in pamphlet form (from University Christian Center, Box 235, Beirut, Lebanon) under the title, Zionism — Judaism: Is the Old Testament Zionist?)

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleida Assmann

The first part of the article invites a fresh look at the often defined concepts of ‘space’ and ‘place’, connecting them to different subject positions, mental frames and projects. The second part addresses memory issues that underlie the political conflict between the state of Israel and Palestinians in the Near East. It will analyse two seemingly incompatible memories related to the same events and topography. The focus of the essay is not only on the divisive force with which two incompatible histories are constructed in the same landscape but also on recent memory practices and performances that raise awareness of this impasse and work towards a more complex and inclusive transnational memory of the entangled history of 1948.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (15) ◽  
pp. 1462-1469
Author(s):  
Sayan Lodh

Studies conducted into minorities like the Jews serves the purpose of sensitizing one about the existence of communities other than one’s own one, thereby promoting harmony and better understanding of other cultures. The Paper is titled ‘A Chronicle of Calcutta Jewry’. It lays stress on the beginning of the Jewish community in Calcutta with reference to the prominent Jewish families from the city. Most of the Jews in Calcutta were from the middle-east and came to be called as Baghdadi Jews. Initially they were influenced by Arabic culture, language and customs, but later they became Anglicized with English replacing Judeo-Arabic (Arabic written in Hebrew script) as their language. A few social evils residing among the Jews briefly discussed. Although, the Jews of our city never experienced direct consequences of the Holocaust, they contributed wholeheartedly to the Jewish Relief Fund that was set up by the Jewish Relief Association (JRA) to help the victims of the Shoah. The experience of a Jewish girl amidst the violence during the partition of India has been briefly touched upon. The reason for the exodus of Jews from Calcutta after Independence of India and the establishment of the State of Israel has also been discussed. The contribution of the Jews to the lifestyle of the city is described with case study on ‘Nahoums’, the famous Jewish bakery of the city. A brief discussion on an eminent Jew from Calcutta who distinguished himself in service to the nation – J.F.R. Jacob, popularly known as Jack by his fellow soldiers has been given. The amicable relations between the Jews and Muslims in Calcutta have also been briefly portrayed. The research concludes with the prospect of the Jews becoming a part of the City’s history, peacefully resting in their cemeteries. Keywords: Jews, Calcutta, India, Baghdadi, Holocaust


2021 ◽  
Vol 14(63) (1) ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
T. N. Axinte ◽  
◽  
Ana Maria Bolborici ◽  

The objective of this paper work is to try to formulate an analysis identifying whether there is an influence on the part of the European Union in the Middle East, specifically in Israel. If we take into account the region in which the state of Israel is located, we will realize that this is a state affected by various conflicts. The State of Israel is an associate member of the European Union and due to the economically strong relations that the European Union has had with Israel over time, we can ask ourselves in which way can the European Community influence this country in other areas as well.


2021 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-472
Author(s):  
Peter Wien

This roundtable is the product of a conference on tribalism in the Modern Middle East held at the University of Maryland in College Park in early May 2019. In two days of scholarly exchange, the participants addressed questions on the reality of tribal life in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, and its impact on politics and society. Most of the specialists who participated in the conference are also contributors in this forum. To keep the discussion concise, the case studies focus on the Arab East – Syria, Jordan, and Iraq – as well as Yemen and Saudi Arabia. Building on the findings and reflections shared in College Park, the contributors responded to the following prompt as a point of departure for their essays: For cultural, intellectual, political, and arguably even most social historians, tribes remain an enigma. As an ideal-type, the tribe seems to be all that the modern state is not: it defies positive law, rational administrative structures, equal citizenship based on individual rights and duties, and, still, in some cases, sovereignty based on fixed territorial boundaries. As a non-state, the tribe seems to be, on the other hand, the most enduring socio-political structure of human history. It is a kind of substrate, or a hetero-stratum of social organization at least in Middle Eastern societies. Its position as such seems even more pronounced in today's period of state disintegration and instability. What is the place of tribes in modern society, how do they relate to the modern state? How can what is seemingly an atavism of pre-modern times still have currency in today's world?The responses share the perception that tribes are not the antithesis of the modern state or of progress in the region. Researchers and politicians alike should take them into account in their analyses of modernization processes. They offer meaningful identities and forms of organization across the region and enjoy influence and power.


2009 ◽  
pp. 42-58
Author(s):  
Marco Allegra

- The article addresses the issue of the relation between historiography and the political debate. It examines the historiographic works concerning the events which lead to the emergence of the State of Israel between 1947 and 1949 as one of the key-periods in the history of the contemporary Middle East. In particular, the analysis focuses on the debate originating in the mid 1980s on the revision of traditional Israeli historiography undertaken by the so-called ‘New Historians', of whom Benny Morris is a leading representative. By drawing on the notion of the ‘public use of history, the author reverses the perspective, showing how the academic debate itself is characterised by strongly polemical aspects. The historiographic research on 1948, to which the works of the New Historians provide the latest significant contribution in terms of analysis of new sources, constitutes a firmer knowledge than the tones of the debate would suggest. Key words: public use of history, Israel, New Israeli Historians, first Arab-Israeli war, Palestine, Israeli-Palestinian conflict.


Worldview ◽  
1975 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-29
Author(s):  
James Finn

Jerusalem. The Old City. The Wailing Wall. Jom Kippur, 1974. The sun is bright, the sky blue, the air clear and crisp as worshippers first straggle and then seem to flow into the large square and toward the Wall, having first passed—as we all must—through the narrow funnel of military inspectors. Neither a Jew nor an Israeli, nor an uncritical admirer of the State of Israel, I nevertheless feel the special quality of this religious observance. It is marked not only by its usual solemnity but by the burden of being the first anniversary of the Yom Kippur War of 1973, the war that destroyed. the semieuphoria in which Israel had existed since 1967 and placed in new perspective the shifting relations of the nations of the Middle East.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 298-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoff Ostrove

Abstract Theodor Adorno (2001) once claimed, “Hitler has imposed a new categorical imperative upon humanity in the state of their unfreedom: to arrange their thinking and conduct, so that Auschwitz never repeats itself, so that nothing similar ever happen again” (p. 358). In this article I analyze exactly what Adorno meant by this statement, and how he believes humanity should act in order to arrange their thinking, conduct, and communication so that nothing similar to the Holocaust can ever happen again. I will also explore Adorno’s thoughts on why the Holocaust was able to occur, how contemporary society should respond to such a catastrophe, and why he felt the creation of the modern state of Israel was not an appropriate response to the Holocaust. Adorno felt that the only true form of revolutionary praxis was to change the dominant means of production and any lesser form of rebellion was futile and only reified the contemporary commodity-form capitalist system.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 426-499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elimelech Westreich

AbstractThe article examines the approach of leading rabbis toward levirate marriages following the establishment of the State of Israel. Chief Ashkenazi Rabbi Herzog supported the abolishment of levirate marriages and attempted to impose on all ethnic communities the Ashkenazi approach, which since the 13th century favoredchalitza. Chief Sephardic Rabbi Uziel supported rabbi Herzog although the levirate commandment takes precedence overchalitzain the Sephardic and oriental traditions and is practiced in these communities. In 1950, the two Chief Rabbis led a council of rabbis that enacted a regulation rejecting levirate marriages and favoringchalitza. Rabbi Uziel believed that two opposing traditions governing an issue as central as family law are not appropriate in a modern state. He perceived the levirate marriage, which binds women in matrimonial relations against their will, to be inconsistent with their status in the modern era. The strong roots of the Ashkenazi Halachic tradition, which has for many generations rejected levirate marriages, allowed him to demand that all ethnic groups adopt it. Rabbi Yossef and other oriental critics regard his actions as submissive to Ashkenazi tradition, a criticism I reject. Rabbi Yossef vigorously opposed the abolition of levirate marriages, and in a decision in 1951 he claimed that it was invalid. It was the beginning of his struggle against what he perceived as Ashkenazi dominance and Sephardic submission, demanding the restoration of the oriental and Sephardic traditions. In time, this became an explicit ideological-political stance under the mottoleachzir atara le'yoshna. I suggest that Rabbi Yossef endeavors to restore the golden age of the Bashi sages in Jerusalem, chief among them Rabbi Elyashar, at the twilight of the Ottoman period.


2013 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-478
Author(s):  
Miroljub Jevtic

One of the most important phenomena in US politics is Christian Zionism. The term Christian Zionism is related to unity of a large part of Protestant beliefs and the Zionists movement. The religious motives of US Protestants have coincided with the Jewish intention to go back to Palestine. In this way, Protestant religious motives could only be achieved by using political pressure on the US government. The goal of this pressure is to turn the foreign policy of Washington into a struggle for reconstruction and maintenance of the state of Israel. That is why many people wrongly believe that the US policy in Middle East is a product of the Jewish lobby. However, the US foreign policy in Middle East is a product of religious beliefs of Christian Zionists and the Jewish lobby is just using this fact for its own purposes.


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