scholarly journals The curious death – and life? – of British transport policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (8) ◽  
pp. 1458-1479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Docherty ◽  
Jon Shaw ◽  
Greg Marsden ◽  
Jillian Anable

This article analyses the transport policy record of the 2010–2015 Conservative–Liberal Democrat Coalition and 2015–2016 Conservative majority UK governments. We argue that the style of policy making under these administrations departed significantly from that of previous decades, which had been characterised by the ascendancy of specific technical disciplines and decision-making norms about how transport planning should be carried out. Our key contention is that despite abandoning the idea of a single, overall narrative for transport policy, these governments (perhaps unwittingly) gave new life to broader debates about what transport investment is actually for and how investment decisions should be made. We interpret this as a shift away from the longstanding idea of a ‘deliberate’ strategy of intervention to a more ‘emergent’ approach, which raises important new questions about the future of transport policy both in terms of the objectives it seeks to realise and the relative influence of professional/technical and political actors in the policy process.

Author(s):  
David Judge ◽  
Cristina Leston-Bandeira ◽  
Louise Thompson

This concluding chapter reflects on the future of parliamentary politics by identifying key puzzles implicit in previous discussions which raise fundamental questions about what Parliament is and why it exists. The goal is to determine the ‘predictable unknowns’ as starting points for exploring the future. Three principal puzzles that need ‘hard thinking’ in order to understand legislatures are considered: representation, collective decision-making, and their role in the political system. The chapter also examines the difficulties in reconciling ideas about popular sovereignty and direct public participation with notions of parliamentary sovereignty and indirect public participation in decision-making; the implications of the legislative task of disentangling UK law from EU law in the wake of Brexit for Parliament's recent strengthened scrutiny capacity; and how Parliament has integrated the core principles of representation, consent, and authorization into the legitimation of state policy-making processes and their outputs.


1972 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glen H. Stassen

Frequently debated, infrequently resolved, but crucial to the study of international relations is the issue of the relative influence of personal factors and role factors in decision-making. Are national decision-makers so constrained by their roles that they have little individual freedom? Or, conversely, are their policies shaped in major ways by their own individual preferences


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 71-80
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zia-Ur Rehman ◽  
Zahid Bashir ◽  
Asia Baig

This study focuses on Economic turmoil due to issues of the Middle East and its relation to oil prices, hence transposing the crisis to other economies of the world. A qualitative and logical resigning technique is used during the study. The author finds that the Middle East has a lot of issues related to oil prices, oil production. Most important are wars and conflicts within the region, terrorism, radicalism, the influence of US in the region, week government, and issues of politics. This study provides information to the government in policy making, in investment decisions, in politics and in financial decision making related to oil prices and its production in the region


Author(s):  
Samuel Ujewe ◽  
Werdie Van Staden

AbstractThis chapter reflects on the Life-Esidimeni tragedy in which more than 140 mental healthcare users died as a consequence of a policy decision. The main finding of an official investigation into these events was a “failure to listen or take advice”, but how this failure may be averted in the future did not feature among the recommendations of the Ombud’s report, this being mostly about further legal, regulatory and rights-based actions. To avert similar tragedies in the future, this chapter adds another recommendation. This is a practical decision-making process by which to listen properly in policy-making. Specifically, a policy-making indaba in an African version of values-based practice generates a space in which all stakeholders implied in the formulation and execution of a health policy may listen properly to each other about what matters to them in that context over and above the values captured in regulations and rights. The resulting policy may thus creatively account for the differences between values of the stakeholders without dismissing or changing anyone’s values.


Author(s):  
Peter Munk Christiansen

Corporatism has played a core role in Danish policy-making for a long time. Based on positive feedback mechanisms, privileged interest groups increasingly came to be integrated in the preparation and implementation of most policy decisions during the twentieth century. After the 1970s, reform policies have sharpened the political exchange relation between state actors and interest groups. Interest groups must contribute to the realization of political preferences if they want to remain privileged insiders. If they cannot or will not contribute, they risk being left outside the decision-making arena. In such cases, state actors seek to control the policy process in order to avoid mobilization of reform resistance. Corporatism’s alternative is not pluralism but more closed decision-making processes. However, corporatism is not an either/or. Corporatism is weakened in some cases but still viable in others, even within the same sector. Danish unions have suffered many defeats on unemployment and early retirement schemes and have been kept out of decisions where heart-blood was at play. Simultaneously, the unions have entered a number of agreements using traditional corporatist means of policy-making. In the same sector and involving the same actors, corporatist structures coexist with strategic exclusion. The rumours of corporatism’s death are exaggerated.


Author(s):  
Costas P. Pappis

How can decision-makers ensure that their policies will be robust enough to cope with the challenges of a climate, which is changing dramatically? How best to adapt to climate variability and extreme events? Which are the best practices for understanding, analysing and finally managing the risks that are associated with climate change and face business entities, communities, individual countries and the whole planet? Are there appropriate frameworks and methods available, capable to assist in systematically carrying out the decision-making and policy process? Questions such as these have not only a theoretical scope, but a great practical significance as well. Decision makers have been seeking for appropriate guidance and analytical frameworks to deal with these questions.


2010 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin J. Smith

Much of the analysis of intelligence and security in British government has treated it as a separate and distinct sphere. This article argues that the core executive framework provides a useful mechanism for integrating security policy making with other aspects of the domestic policy process. The article analyses the changing nature of the core executive and its impact on decision-making. The article argues that if we look at intelligence through the core executive framework we can analyse intelligence as a particular form of knowledge that can provide the Prime Minister with considerable influence on policy outcomes. This is not, however, to suggest that the Prime Minister is presidential.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Johnston

We have seen a lot of very welcome progress in terms of making it easier for citizens to input their views into government policy-making processes. However, governments and citizens are now in a similar situation – after a burst of initial enthusiasm, they are not sure what to do next. Governments have struggled to get the mass participation they would like and where significant participation has occurred, have had difficulty integrating it effectively into existing decision-making processes. Citizens have been unsure what to make of this new apparent openness and where they have engaged, have found it hard to know what difference their input made. The solution is to focus on using technology to make existing policy processes more transparent and more participative rather than creating separate e-participation initiatives. The challenge for governments is to open up the whole of the policy process and be prepared to flag up very clearly and explicitly the difference citizen input made. The challenge for e-democracy advocates is to convince policymakers that their ideas can improve the existing policy process rather than simply generating more inputs into it.


2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (First Serie (1) ◽  
pp. 128-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Docherty ◽  
David Begg

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