scholarly journals Ethnomycological knowledge among Kaqchikel, indigenous Maya people of Guatemalan Highlands

Author(s):  
J. P. Mérida Ponce ◽  
M. A. Hernández Calderón ◽  
O. Comandini ◽  
A. C. Rinaldi ◽  
R. Flores Arzú
Keyword(s):  
1995 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 244-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariana Meckes ◽  
Ma. Luisa Villarreal ◽  
Jaime Tortoriello ◽  
Brent Berlin ◽  
Eloise Ann Berlin

Author(s):  
Peter Klepeis ◽  
Colin Vance

From the modern settlement of the southern Yucatán peninsular region to the present, smallholder farmers have followed a system of cultivation variously labeled swidden, slash-and-burn, or shifting within agricultural typologies (Watters 1971; but see Denevan 1992), and known as milpa in the Yucatán and Maya lowlands. Milpa cultivation has been so pervasive historically and geographically throughout the peninsula and the subject of such an extensive literature, that its description is only briefly reviewed here. Understanding the character and dynamics of this system of cultivation, including its long-term prognosis for continued use within the development of the region, is essential for understanding land changes and modeling them, although recent changes in cropping strategies portend the emergence of a ‘new’ kind of milpa. Swidden cultivation in the region, as elsewhere in Middle America, is invariably undertaken as an outfield activity—located at some distance from the farmstead—and is accompanied by small but complex housegardens or solares adjacent to and surrounding the house (e.g. Killion 1992; but see Gómez-Pompa 1987). The house-garden not only provides shade for the abode, it provides fruits, nuts, medicinal and ornamental plants, and a place for cropping experiments (Keys 1999). The extent and elaboration of house-gardens in the southern Yucatán peninsular region appears to be tied to the length of residency and, perhaps, ethnicity of the resident. Maya people, for example, tend to maintain large and elaborate solares. House-gardens tend to be smaller, even unrecognizable to the untrained eye, in the few densely settled communities in the region (e.g. Xpujil). As these gardens are not yet a central element of the broader dynamic of land change in the region, they are not given further attention here. The outfield or swidden supplies maize (Zea mays L.), planted in several varieties and serving as the consumption staple. Depending on the household, some portion of the maize crop may be sold. This ‘dual’ production function has been part of swidden in the region at least since the opening of Highway 186, reflecting government policy promoting commercial maize production (Ch. 7) and the abundant land awarded to individual ejidatarios at that time.


2016 ◽  
Vol 70 (6) ◽  
pp. 679-680 ◽  
Author(s):  
M I Varela-Silva ◽  
◽  
B Bogin ◽  
J A G Sobral ◽  
F Dickinson ◽  
...  

Abstract The Maya people are descended from the indigenous inhabitants of southern Mexico, Guatemala and adjacent regions of Central America. In Guatemala, 50% of infants and children are stunted (very low height-for-age), and some rural Maya regions have >70% children stunted. A large, longitudinal, intergenerational database was created to (1) provide deep data to prevent and treat somatic growth faltering and impaired neurocognitive development, (2) detect key dependencies and predictive relations between highly complex, time-varying, and interacting biological and cultural variables and (3) identify targeted multifactorial intervention strategies for field testing and validation. Contributions to this database included data from the Universidad del Valle de Guatemala Longitudinal Study of Child and Adolescent Development, child growth and intergenerational studies among the Maya in Mexico and studies about Maya migrants in the United States.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Kaplan ◽  
Federico Paredes Umaña

Before the authors’ research, Chocolá was no more than an intriguing legend. Chocolá’s apparent political links to the greatest Preclassic southern Maya area polity, Kaminaljuyu, would make any discovery about Chocolá conceivably vital to a better understanding of Maya origins and New World archaeology, as both ancient cities are located in the Southern Maya Region. Two facts led researchers to search more specifically for the material bases for Chocolá’s rise to power: 1) Mesoamerica’s greatest rainfall, 2) cacao groves around the modern village lying atop the ancient city. Cacao was so important to the Maya that, mythologically, the cacao god was the maize god’s brother and uncle of the “Hero Twins,” conceived as the aboriginal creators of the Maya people. If water control systems have been documented archaeologically at virtually all great ancient cities around the world, cacao is uniquely a Maya “invention,” the Maya being the first people in the world to domesticate the plant and cultivate it through intensive agriculture. These two discoveries—impressive water management and cacao at Preclassic Chocolá—likely are not coincidental. A complex, hierarchical society would have been in place for arboriculture of water-thirsty cacao for long-distance ancient trade. Thus, two material substances, one necessary for human survival, the other highly valued throughout Mesoamerica as consumable and essential in Maya mythology, may explain, in part, how this and other Southern Maya “kingdoms of chocolate” may represent a “sweet beginning” for one of the greatest civilizations of the ancient world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Pete Sigal

The Franciscan friar Diego de Landa, in the mid-sixteenth century, and the Holly-wood film producer and director Mel Gibson, in the early twenty-first century, created Maya men as beings with perverted and penetrated bodies. In 1566 Landa wrote his Relación de las cosas de Yucatán, an extensive text about the Maya people. In 2006 Gibson released Apocalypto, a Hollywood film in which all dialogue was in Yucatec Maya. Landa and Gibson both argued that they showed the true Maya world, but each expressed a visceral reaction to Maya sacrifice and, in so doing, infested their own fantasies with nightmares of savage Maya men. This essay argues that by analyzing the voyeurism and fantasies of Landa and Gibson, we can come to terms with the position of Maya masculinity in modern Western imaginations. Moreover, by working to understand Landa’s and Gibson’s investments in perverse Maya men, we can think about why Western people formulate fantasies of colonized subjects. Finally, these fantasies of non-Western subjectivities can speak to the stakes involved in queer theory’s understanding of the social sphere, the heterosexual family, and the child as a sign of the future.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1374 ◽  
pp. 115-123
Author(s):  
Silvia Fernández-Sabido ◽  
Yoly Palomo-Carrillo ◽  
Rafael Burgos-Villanueva ◽  
Romeo de Coss

ABSTRACTA comparative study of two blue pigment found in separate megalithic structures in Yucatán México is presented. The first sample (M1) is a piece of turquoise stucco discovered at the top of a building known as Structure-2 in the town of Dzilam González. The second sample (M2) is a residual blue powder that was contained in a Oxcum Café type ceramic vessel recovered in the rubble of the Kabul building in Izamal city. The interest in characterizing these samples increases with the possibility of finding in them evidence of Maya Blue, a dye created in the eighth century by the Maya people, whose extraordinary physical and chemical properties have been studied in laboratories around the world. Maya Blue was a tailored technology used for several centuries, even during the Spanish occupation, throughout Mesoamerica. Despite 80 years of study, the mysteries of its composition, traditional preparation and obsolescence have not yet been fully resolved. Using different spectroscopic techniques (SEM, EDX, XRD, FTIR, UV-Vis DR) we have studied and compared the blue colorants in M1 and M2. Results indicate that M1 is Maya Blue. Despite some similarities in the infrarred vibrational spectra of the two samples, we have determinated that M2 is not Maya Blue but a non-Mesoamerican mineral pigment known as Ultramarine which was probably introduced to America by Europeans.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bosiljka Glumac ◽  
◽  
Susannah Howard ◽  
Sydney Reyes Beattie ◽  
Carlos Peraza Lope ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Kedron Thomas

Fashion knock-offs are everywhere. Even in the out-of-the-way markets of highland Guatemala, fake branded clothes offer a cheap, stylish alternative for people who can’t afford high-priced originals. Fashion companies have taken notice, ensuring that international trade agreements include stronger intellectual property protections to prevent and punish brand “piracy,” the unauthorized reproduction of trademarked brand names and logos. Regulating Style approaches the fashion industry from the perspective of indigenous Maya people who make and sell knock-offs, asking why they copy and wear popular brands, how they interact with legal frameworks and state agents who criminalize their livelihoods, and exploring the localized ethics, norms, and values that structure their trade. Beyond showing that intellectual property proponents misrepresent the presumed threat that “piracy” poses to the economy, this book argues that international law itself perpetuates powerful divisions of race, class, and gender across a postcolonial field, institutionalizing a discriminatory divide between populations designated as rightful creators and consumers and others disparaged as mere copycats. Drawing on cultural studies, archaeology, and material culture studies in anthropology, this book develops a robust theory of style that emphasizes the centrality of copying and imitation to processes of cultural production. In analyzing the relationship of style to race, class, gender, indigeneity, and discourses of entrepreneurship and development that privilege a particular model of creativity, originality, and modernity in Guatemala and beyond, Regulating Style offers a new perspective on what is really at stake for fashion companies in the globalization of intellectual property law.


2011 ◽  
pp. 537-540
Author(s):  
Dominga Vásquez ◽  
Simona Violetta Yagenova
Keyword(s):  

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