scholarly journals Entre el hogar y la calle. La movilización política de mujeres católicas durante el Sexenio Democrático = Between home and the street. The political mobilisation of Catholic women during the Sexenio

2020 ◽  
pp. 419
Author(s):  
Raúl Mínguez Blasco
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern History ◽  
The Public ◽  
Stable Position ◽  
Catholic Women ◽  
History Of ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
The Government

Resumen: El Sexenio Democrático (1868-1874) fue un periodo convulso de la historia contemporánea española en el que la posición estable que la Iglesia española había alcanzado tras el Concordato de 1851 quedó en entredicho. Como consecuencia del proceso de feminización religiosa iniciado en las décadas anteriores, el debate público sobre la religión tuvo un importante componente de género. A pesar de las críticas de revolucionarios y secularistas, algunas mujeres que se presentaron a sí mismas como esposas y madres católicas se opusieron públicamente a las medidas gubernamentales que fueron en contra de los intereses eclesiásticos. Este artículo pretende reflexionar en torno a la agencia o capacidad de acción de las mujeres católicas y analiza la manera en que el antiliberalismo concibió la relación entre la esfera pública y la privada.Palabras clave: Sexenio Democrático, género, religión, secularismo, antiliberalismo, agencia.Abstract: The Sexenio Democrático (1868-1874) was a troubled period of the modern history of Spain in which the stable position achieved by the Catholic Church after the Concordat of 1851 was widely questioned. Due to the feminisation of Catholicism during the previous decades, the public debate about religion had an important gendered component. Despite the criticisms of revolutionaries and secularists, some women who presented themselves as Catholic wives and mothers publicly opposed the Government measures against the Church’s interests. This paper reflects on the capacity of agency of Catholic women and analyses how anti-liberalism conceived the link between the public and the private realm.Keywords: Sexenio Democrático, gender, religion, secularism, anti-liberalism, agency.

scholarly journals Defamation Laws and Practice in the Age of Internet in Albania

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Leka
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Judicial Corruption ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

The picture of recent legal developments concerning defamation in Albania is mixed. On the one hand, several criminal defamation and insult statuteshave been abolishedsince 2012, following strong lobbying of human rights organizations. On the other, the application of criminal defamation laws has not stopped, while government officials and other high profile persons have discovered the power of civil defamation claims. Faced with intense criticism, the government has tried to re-introduce the abolished criminal defamation laws and has faced the same strong opposition and international outcry. In the meantime, defamation claims or threats thereof are routinely being used against the media or against the political opponent for the only purposes of creating tension and diffusing the attention of the public. The vagueness of the laws and the inconsistencies of judicial interpretation, helped in no little measure by judicial corruption and the political control of the judiciary, have widened the gap between constitutional and international guarantees of the freedom of speech and the actual enforcement of those guarantees. This article will briefly expose the history of defamation laws in Albania, the difficulties of their application, and the status of affairs concerning defamation laws and claims.

scholarly journals The Influence of Political Actors in the Digital Public Debate on Twitter About the Negotiations for the Formation of the Government in Spain

2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110031
Author(s):  
Andreu Casero-Ripollés ◽  
Laura Alonso-Muñoz ◽  
Silvia Marcos-García
Keyword(s):  
Mass Communication ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Digital Platforms ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Conversation ◽  
The Government

Social media has introduced new parameters that can potentially transform the digital political conversation. Traditionally, in the age of mass communication, public debate was dominated by politicians and journalists. However, digital platforms, primarily Twitter, have allowed other social actors to join the political discussion, trying to influence it. The objective of this research is to establish what factors enable the authority and digital influence of political actors in the public debate on Twitter. We use a big data sample of 127.3 million tweets from the negotiation process around the formation of the Government in Spain. The applied methodology is based on social network analysis and machine learning. The results show that ideology, political initiative, and political career are configured as factors capable of conditioning the authority and influence of political actors in the political conversation on Twitter.

scholarly journals Peran Ilmu Politik Dalam Mendukung Hak Asasi Manusia di Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-161
Author(s):  
Vita Justisia
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Crimes Against Humanity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
International Instruments

Human rights is an idea that have a long process in the history of human civilization. Human rights always have a correlative relationship with human duty because of the nature of human nature as individuals and social beings. Human Rights has incuded in the Constitution of the Republic Indonesia UUD-RI 1945. The history of the Indonesian nation records the occurrence of various gross human rights violations such as crimes against humanity that occurred in East Timor, Aceh, Jakarta and in some other areas that have not completed the handling, whereas in the field of legislation of the Government of Indonesia has made various efforts to make laws and ratify them from various international instruments on human rights. This is due to the unrelated legislation existing with the political will of the government. Political science is concerned with the state's governance, State’s governance deals with key officials setting policy directions including human rights policies. For the public it is important to study political science so that the public can contribute to the political will of the government in the field of law enforcement of human rights in Indonesia.

Kultūrvēstures aspekti Jāņa Čakstes vācu valodā sarakstītajā apcerējumā „Die Letten und Ihre Latwija” (1917), tā tulkošanas un izdevumu vēsture latviski („Latvieši un viņu Latvija”, 1989/1990–2019)

2021 ◽  
pp. 155-162
Author(s):  
Ivars Orehovs
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Aspects ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Public ◽  
30Th Anniversary ◽  
History Of Writing ◽  
History Of

On May 4, 2020, the 30th anniversary of the restoration of Latvia’s national independence was celebrated, and the 160th anniversary since the birth of the first President of Latvia, Jānis Čakste (1859–1927), was remembered on September 14, 2019. In 1917, even before the establishment of the Latvian state, Čakste published a longer essay in German, entitled „The Latvians and Their Latvia” (Die Letten und ihre Latwija), in which both the ethnic and geopolitical history of the Baltics was presented to communicate the public opinion and strivings of that time internationally. The essay also reflected economic relations in the predominantly Latvian-inhabited territory, demonstrating the political convictions and the culture-historical background of the era. The article aims to characterise the history of writing and publishing the essay in German, and its translation into Latvian (1989/90), and the translation’s editions (1999, 2009, 2014, 2019). Part of the article is devoted to analysing the culture-historical aspects, which in the authorial narrative have been expressed in the interethnic environment of the territory and the era.

The 1912 Duma Elections: The State, the Opposition and the Clergy

Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Press ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Church

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.

scholarly journals Minister-Permanent Secretary Relationships: Lessons from Zimbabwe’s Government of national Unity

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
The State ◽  
Team Work ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.

scholarly journals Between New Terrains and Old Dichotomies: Peacebuilding and the Gangs’ Truce in El Salvador

2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sílvia Roque
Keyword(s):  
El Salvador ◽  
Potential Application ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Political ◽  
Crucial Importance ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
The Public ◽  
Structural Roots ◽  
Post War

Abstract This article intends to challenge the dominant assumptions that undermine the potential application of peacebuilding frameworks beyond formal post-war contexts. It analyses the gangs’ truce that recently took place in El Salvador as a privileged laboratory to rethink hegemonic understandings and practices of peacebuilding by specifically addressing the importance of overcoming dichotomised categories such ‘war and peace’, ‘criminal and political’, and ‘success and failure’. It is claimed that while the truce fostered a discourse pointing towards an ongoing peace process and enlarged the public debate on the failings of post-war policies and on the structural roots of violence, it was also decisively undermined by the inability to surmount the dichotomy that juxtaposes the criminal and the political domains. It is argued that a peacebuilding framework, inspired by a set of critical perspectives on war and peace and on the nature of ‘the political’, may thus be of crucial importance for the future of policies aimed at curbing violence in El Salvador and elsewhere.

scholarly journals Fatma Aliye Hanım: Gender Debates in Turkey

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 693-716
Author(s):  
Zeynep Direk
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Early Republic ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Late Ottoman

Abstract This essay explores the late nineteenth and early twentieth Century gender debates in the late Ottoman Empire, and the early Republic of Turkey with a focus on Fatma Aliye’s presence in the public space, as the first Ottoman woman philosopher, novelist, and public intellectual. I choose to concentrate on her because of the important stakes of the gender debates of that period, and the ways in which they are echoed in the present can be effectively discussed by reflecting on the ways in which Fatma Aliye is read, presented, and received. In the first part of this paper, I talk about Fatma Aliye’s life and experience of her gender as a woman, and point to her key interests as a writer and philosopher. In the second part, I situate her in the political history of feminism during the Rearrangement Period (Tanzimat), the Second Constitutional Era (II. Meşrutiyet), and the institution of the modern Republic of Turkey. Lastly, in the third part, I discuss the diverse ways in which she is interpreted in contemporary Turkey. I explore the political impact of the reception of Fatma Aliye as an intellectual figure on the current gender debates in Turkey.

scholarly journals Nieważność i wygaśnięcie konkordatu polskiego z 1993 r.

2020 ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Paweł Borecki
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Vienna Convention ◽  
International Agreement ◽  
Holy See ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Legal Situation ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

From time to time, there is a proposal in the public debate in Poland to break the 1993 concordat, and this has also recently been the case. However, in the current systemic and political reality of contemporary Poland, the issue of the invalidity or expiry of the Polish concordat is one purely for theoretical (academic) discussion. It is worth analyzing this through the prism of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 1969 and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997. The only hypothetical grounds for an annulment of the 1993 Concordat would be the allegation that it was concluded in violation of Art. 46 of the Vienna Convention, i.e. in breach of the rules of national law concerning the competence to conclude a treaty of fundamental importance. The Government of the Republic of Poland did not raise this objection within a reasonable time. There are also no circumstances that could constitute obvious reasons for considering the Polish concordat of 1993 as expired. One might try to defend the position that the concordat may be terminated unilaterally, despite the fact that it does not contain an appropriate clause in this regard. It can be compared to a friendship treaty. Such contracts are, by their very nature, subject to termination. It also seems that if need be, the Polish side might be able to terminate the concordat due to a fundamental change in circumstances, e.g. by referring to the rapidly progressing secularization process of Polish society. A very serious barrier to the termination of the concordat by the Polish side is the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997. In Art. 25 sec. 4 it provides for the obligation to define the relations between the state and the Catholic Church, especially in the form of an international agreement with the Holy See. The hypothetical termination of the 1993 concordat would require prior appropriate amendment of Poland’s constitution and the consent of a number of state bodies. In the current legal situation in Poland, the termination of the treaty with the Vatican is very difficult in procedural terms, and is politically unrealistic.

scholarly journals State Supervision of the Periodicals Distribution System in Russia in the Early 20th Century

2021 ◽  
pp. 16-22
Author(s):  
Е.Н. Крылова
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Distribution System ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Train Station ◽  
The Public ◽  
State Supervision ◽  
History Of ◽  
Newspaper Distribution ◽  
The Government ◽  
History Of Journalism

В статье затронут малоизученный аспект государственного контроля за системой распространения периодических изданий в России на примере столичных городов в начале ХХ века. Цель исследования — выявить основные каналы распространения столичных газет в начале ХХ века и определить механизмы государственного контроля за системой дистрибуции периодической печати. На основе имеющихся архивных источников автор приходит к выводу, что основными каналами распространения столичной прессы были подписка, розничная продажа в разнос и в магазинах и на железных дорогах. К началу Первой мировой войны система дистрибуции периодических изданий постепенно менялась. Нормативные акты, принятые в конце XIX века, уже не позволяли эффективно контролировать распространение информации, а правительственные меры предпринимались запоздало или были незначительны. Существовавшая система государственного контроля за системой дистрибуции не могла оперативно реагировать на кризис, что способствовало распространению нежелательной для правительства информации среди населения, в том числе запрещенной литературы. Полученные результаты могут быть использованы в первую очередь при подготовке общих курсов по истории России, чтении курсов лекций и спецкурсов по истории журналистики. The article treats some under-investigated issues associated with the state supervision of the periodicals circulation and distribution system in Russia in the early 20th century. The aim of the research is to study the main channels of capital newspapers circulation and distribution in the early 20th century and to identify the mechanisms of state supervision of the periodicals distribution system. The analysis of archival materials enables the author to conclude that capital newspapers were distributed via subscription, retailing, train station retail, and delivery. During the pre-war period, the system of newspaper distribution was undergoing gradual changes. Normative acts issued in the late 19thcentury were no longer enough to efficiently control the spread of information; state measures were often insufficient and untimely. The existing system of state supervision of newspaper distribution failed to respond to the crisis, therefore the public had an access to information the government wished to conceal and to literature that was forbidden. The validity of the results of the research will be recognized by lecturers, by teachers who conduct Russian history classes, by teachers conducting classes in the history of journalism.

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