Cripping the Welfare Queen

Social Text ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 79-101
Author(s):  
Jina B. Kim
Keyword(s):  
Social Services ◽  
Low Income ◽  
State Regulation ◽  
State Violence ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
Black Mothers ◽  
Disability Theory ◽  
Queer Of Color Critique ◽  
Public Resource ◽  
Welfare Queen

Abstract Drawing together feminist- and queer-of-color critique with disability theory, this essay offers a literary-cultural reframing of the welfare queen in light of critical discourses of disability. It does so by taking up the discourse of dependency that casts racialized, low-income, and disabled populations as drains on the state, reframing this discourse as a potential site of coalition among antiracist, anticapitalist, and feminist disability politics. Whereas antiwelfare policy cast independence as a national ideal, this analysis of the welfare mother elaborates a version of disability and women-of-color feminism that not only takes dependency as a given but also mines the figure of the welfare mother for its transformative potential. To imagine the welfare mother as a site for reenvisioning dependency, this essay draws on the “ruptural possibilities” of minority literary texts, to use Roderick A. Ferguson’s coinage, and places Sapphire's 1996 novel Push in conversation with Jesmyn Ward's 2011 novel Salvage the Bones. Both novels depict young Black mothers grappling with the disabling context of public infrastructural abandonment, in which the basic support systems for maintaining life—schools, hospitals, social services—have become increasingly compromised. As such, these novels enable an elaboration of a critical disability politic centered on welfare queen mythology and its attendant structures of state neglect, one that overwrites the punitive logics of public resource distribution. This disability politic, which the author terms crip-of-color critique, foregrounds the utility of disability studies for feminist-of-color theories of gendered and sexual state regulation and ushers racialized reproduction and state violence to the forefront of disability analysis.

“Brenda’s Got a Baby”

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brooklynn K. Hitchens ◽  
Yasser Arafat Payne
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Secondary Analysis ◽  
Black Mothers ◽  
Single Motherhood ◽  
Structural Inequality ◽  
Individual Interviews ◽  
Number Of Children ◽  
Extensive Field ◽  
Group Interviews

This secondary analysis examines low-income, street-identified single Black mothers aged 18 to 35 years in Wilmington, Delaware. This study is guided by the following question: To what extent do family composition and criminal record/street activity shape notions of Black single motherhood? “Sites of resilience” theory informs this study by providing a reconceptualization of street life and the phenomenological experiences of street-identified Black women. This analysis draws on 310 surveys, 6 individual interviews, 3 dual interviews, 2 group interviews, and extensive field observations. Findings reveal how these women experience single motherhood within the context of blocked opportunity and structural inequality. Results also indicate that most women socially reproduced childhood attitudes and conditions, including “fatherless” homes and single motherhood. Use and sales of narcotics and incarceration were primary factors for why their children’s father didn’t reside in the home. Findings also suggest that number of children, arrest and incarceration rates, and educational and employment statuses are predictive of marital status in the women.

Black Mothering Legacies: Theorizing Lament as a Form of Justice Research

2021 ◽  
pp. 194084472110495
Author(s):  
Nichole A. Guillory
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Violence ◽  
Black Child ◽  
The State ◽  
Black Mothers ◽  
Black Life ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Historical Moment ◽  
Black Mothering

I feel compelled by the moment to take up these questions: What does it mean to mother a Black child within/against this historical moment within/against the (carceral) United States? What does it mean to mother a Black child when the legacy of enslavement in the United States is still the basis for assessing the “worth” of you and your children? How do I determine justice for my/a/the Black child in this historical moment? How does this justice come to matter? My approach to critical qualitative research is best understood through Cynthia Dillard’s (2006) notion of “endarkened feminist epistemology” (p. 3). Here I trace a lineage of Black mothering praxis that has been enacted in response to injustice across different historical moments and geographical locations in the United States. This lineage focuses on Black mothers who have lost their children to state violence, when that violence is perpetrated by the state or when the state fails to mete out justice for the taking of Black life.

scholarly journals Effectiveness of a Psychosocial Therapy with SMS in Immigrant Women with Different Degrees of Depression

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Yolanda García ◽  
Carlos Ferrás ◽  
María José Ginzo
Keyword(s):  
Social Services ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Social Inclusion ◽  
Immigrant Women ◽  
Text Messages ◽  
Depression Symptoms ◽  
Psychosocial Characteristics ◽  
Psychosocial Therapy ◽  
Healthy Habits

Immigrant women who are forced to adapt to a new cultural context often live in low income situations, have informal jobs, and experience social inclusion difficulties; these women frequently have mental health and social relationship problems. We conducted an experimental investigation with a group of vulnerable immigrant women who were receiving support from public social services. Our goal was to analyze the effectiveness of a bio-psychosocial therapy system with text messages to personal mobile phones. We grouped women by different degrees of depression. We studied psychosocial characteristics from personalized interviews and developed message banks to advise healthy habits and accompany moods. We programmed a remote delivery system, and for 26 days, each woman (n = 44) received four of our messages. We analyzed changes in mood and depression at the beginning and at the end of therapy and observed positive changes. The analysis of the initial and final (Personal Health Questionnaire) PHQ−9 quartile intervals shows that text messages significantly improve the mood and depression symptoms of immigrant women when the initial PHQ−9 value is greater than 5 (moderate depression).

Urban Popular Movements in Latin America

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Dosh
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Acceptable Solution ◽  
Neighborhood Organizations ◽  
Awkward Position ◽  
Popular Movements ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Social Safety Nets

In Latin America, urban popular movements emerged in the late 1940s as thousands of low-income migrants and city residents banded together to claim land, build self-help housing, and forge neighborhood organizations that fomented community participation and mobilized to demand land titles and city services. These neighborhoods were characterized by informal housing; inadequate provision of electricity, water, sanitation, transportation, and social services; and informal employment and underemployment. During the authoritarianism of the 1960s and 1970s, some urban popular movements resisted military dictatorship while others forged clientelist ties. Democratic and authoritarian leaders alike were forced to deal with the steady influx of rural migrants to cities, and regimes of all types often came to view informal neighborhoods founded by urban popular movements as an acceptable solution to some of the challenges of urbanization. In the 1980s and 1990s, neoliberal privatization of public utilities and cuts to social safety nets harmed urban popular movements, but national and local democratization expanded some avenues of participation, and the regional trend of urban popular movements expanded in numbers and extended its geographic reach. In the 2000s, socialist “Pink Tide” governments delivered benefits to low-income sectors, and many popular sectors supported these leftist regimes. Material gains proved modest, however, and state-movement alliances were rocky, leaving urban popular movements in the awkward position of being dissatisfied with national leadership, yet preferring the Pink Tide incumbents to most alternatives. And in the 2010s, a new “right turn” emerged, as conservative leaders replaced many Pink Tide presidents, threatening to reintroduce the repressive over-policing of popular sectors. Throughout these periods, the core conceptual identity of some urban popular movements shifted from the poblador (the “founder” seeking to meet his or her family’s needs) to the vecino (the “neighbor” collaborating with other movement participants through collective efforts), to the ciudadano (the empowered “citizen” who recognizes his or her needs as rights to be secured through political engagement).

scholarly journals ДЕРЖАВНЕ РЕГУЛЮВАННЯ ІНСТИТУТУ УСИНОВЛЕННЯ ПІД ЧАС ЕКОНОМІЧНОЇ КРИЗИ В УКРАЇНІ

2020 ◽  
pp. 38-42
Author(s):  
Кирило Домбровський
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Social Protection ◽  
Public Organizations ◽  
State Regulation ◽  
Regulatory Framework ◽  
Bad Faith ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Charitable Contributions

The article deals with the main problems of state regulation of the institution of adoption during the economic crisis in Ukraine. These include: corruption in public authorities; adoption bureaucracy; bad faith on the part of state bodies in the field of adoption; imperfection of the national regulatory framework in the field of adoption; insufficient funding for training of potential adopters. The ways of solving the following problems are proposed: implementation of a transparent adoption procedure; coordinating the actions of public administration entities in the field of adoption; creating a clear mechanism for implementing the legislative and regulatory framework in the field of adoption; the delegation from the centers of social services of some powers in the field of adoption to public organizations; attraction of charitable contributions to the account of public organizations active in the field of social protection; improving legal liability for adoption violations.

scholarly journals Better Health Durham: Community Engagement in a Cluster RCT of a Prevention Practitioner Intervention in Low-Income Neighbourhoods

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement 2) ◽  
pp. 22s-22s
Author(s):  
M.A. O'Brien ◽  
A. Lofters ◽  
B. Wall ◽  
A.D. Pinto ◽  
R. Elliott ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Primary Care ◽  
Chronic Disease ◽  
Disease Prevention ◽  
Community Engagement ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Community Outreach ◽  
Chronic Disease Prevention ◽  
Cluster Rct

Background: The Building on Existing Tools to Improve Chronic Disease Prevention and Screening (BETTER) intervention has improved uptake of chronic disease prevention and screening activities in primary care. The BETTER intervention consists of 1:1 visits between prevention practitioners (PPs) and patients (40-65 years). It is unknown if an adapted BETTER could be effective in the community with public health nurses as PPs. Aim: The presentation objective is to describe community engagement strategies in a cluster RCT in low income neighborhoods with low cancer screening rates and low uptake of primary care. Methods: Principles of community-based participatory research were used to design the community engagement strategy in Durham region, Ontario. Key elements included close collaboration with public health partners to identify stakeholders and creating a community advisory committee (CAC) and a primary care engagement group to provide advice. Results: We identified 15 community stakeholder groups (∼47 subgroups) including service organizations, faith groups, and charitable organizations representing diverse constituents. Community outreach activities included in-person meetings and information displays at local events. The CAC is comprised of members of the public and representatives from primary care, social services, and community organizations. The CAC and primary care engagement groups have provided advice on trial recruitment strategies and on the design of the PP visit. Conclusion: The partnership between public health, primary care, and the study team has been crucial to connect with community stakeholders. Community engagement is essential in raising awareness about the study and will contribute to successful recruitment. Trial Registration: NCT03052959

scholarly journals The Islamic Microfinance System And Its Ultimate Impact On The Poor In Bauchi Metropolis In The Context Of Socio-Economic Challenges

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-101
Author(s):  
Hashim Sabo Bello ◽  
Shamsuddeen Abubakar ◽  
Sunusi Abdulkadir Fateh
Keyword(s):  
Social Services ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Financial Services ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Microfinance Institutions ◽  
Islamic Microfinance ◽  
And Gender ◽  
High Level ◽  
Financial Transactions ◽  
The Impact

One of the conditions for providing social services to the population, reducing the differentiation of their incomes, as well as reducing poverty is to provide equal access to financial services for all segments of the population. Despite high unemployment and a significant number of poor people, only about a few thousand Nigerians today use Islamic microfinance services. The main purpose of this study is to study the impact of the Islamic microfinance system on the financial situation of the population. The study is based on the principles of the theory of positivism. Methods of deduction, statistical analysis, and survey served as methodological tools. The authors of the article developed a structured questionnaire, the analysis of which allowed to analyze the attitude of citizens to Islamic microfinance services. A representative sample of citizens of the metropolis Bauchi with different levels of wealth, age and gender was selected for the study. According to the results of the survey, the development of special microcredit programs for low-income people allowed to finance the start of their own business, thus providing their own and household members’ employment. The main factors hindering the development of microfinance in Muslim countries are the high level of non-repayment of borrowed funds, imperfect infrastructure, the presence of Sharia bans on certain types of financial transactions. The results of the study showed the need for an active information campaign aimed at explaining the benefits of using macro-financial services and their accessibility for low-income citizens, as well as expanding the network of microfinance institutions throughout the metropolis. These measures will create conditions for the development of small business in the country, and as a consequence reduce poverty and reduce the number of unemployed in the country.

scholarly journals Posttraumatic growth in low-income Black mothers who survived Hurricane Katrina.

2019 ◽  
Vol 89 (2) ◽  
pp. 144-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily E. Manove ◽  
Sarah R. Lowe ◽  
Jessica Bonumwezi ◽  
Justin Preston ◽  
Mary C. Waters ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Posttraumatic Growth ◽  
Hurricane Katrina ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Black Mothers

scholarly journals Long-Run Earnings Mobility among Low-Income Individuals

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brett Mullins ◽  
Mark Rider ◽  
David L. Sjoquist ◽  
Sally Wallace
Keyword(s):  
General Population ◽  
Single Mothers ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Black Mothers ◽  
Earnings Mobility ◽  
Administrative Records ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Employment Security ◽  
The Disabled ◽  
Single Black Mothers

<p><em>We construct earnings mobility matrices for low-income individuals over 6-year and 13-year periods. Our sample of low-income individuals is drawn from the population of SNAP recipients in Georgia. Using Georgia administrative records, we identify SNAP participants in 2000 and their earnings for each year through 2013 using matched employment security records. We find that a substantial percentage of these individuals have zero earnings in both the initial and ending years. We find that there is a heavier concentration of males, whites, and disabled individuals with zero earnings in the initial and ending years than in the overall SNAP sample. This contradicts some of the characterizations of SNAP recipients in the popular press which often characterizes those stuck in poverty as single black mothers. In fact, the disabled represent the vast majority of those stuck in the no earnings category. Another interesting finding is that single mothers with zero earnings in 2000 have a greater probability, in some cases a much greater probability, of escaping the zero earnings category than the general population of SNAP recipients. We also find that individuals with positive earnings in the initial year experience substantial earnings mobility. </em></p>

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