The Urbanism of Racial Capitalism

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-65
Author(s):  
Andrew Herscher
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Urban Space ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
American City ◽  
Industrial Capitalism ◽  
Property Development ◽  
Racial Capitalism ◽  
Large Populations ◽  
Definition Of

Abstract Emerging in British agricultural discourse in the seventeenth century, the term blight moved from agriculture to culture, and so from countryside to city, in the context of the industrializing American city of the early twentieth century. This city housed increasingly large populations of reserve labor and provided increasingly large spaces to accommodate that population. Defined as “blight,” the spaces occupied by reserve labor were expelled from the very system that produced them: those spaces become obstacles to property development, as opposed to products of a disavowed form of de-development. As race has been the principal medium of difference that has legitimized and stabilized the hierarchical social order of industrial capitalism, the management of “blight” also inscribed race in urban space. A long but continuous line therefore connects the political definition of “black”—in terms of an absence of the full rights of persons, from the era of enslavement, through the era of segregation, to the present—with the political definition of “blight” in terms of an absence of full rights to property from the era of urban renewal into present-day austerity urbanism.

Urban space and the politics of socially engaged art

2018 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 985-1000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilie Sachs Olsen
Keyword(s):  
Urban Space ◽  
Urban Setting ◽  
The Political ◽  
Urban Theory ◽  
Socially Engaged Art ◽  
Material Environment ◽  
Ways Of Thinking ◽  
Critical Urban Theory ◽  
Definition Of

This paper interrogates the political potential of socially engaged art within an urban setting. Grounded in Lefebvrian and neo-Marxist critical urban theory, this political potential is examined according to three analytics that mark the definition of ‘politics’ in this context: the (re)configuration of urban space, the (re)framing of a particular sphere of experience and the (re)thinking of what is taken-for-granted. By bringing together literatures from a range of academic domains, these analytics are used to examine 1) how socially engaged art may expand our understanding of the link between the material environment and the production of urban imaginaries and meanings, and 2) how socially engaged art can open up productive ways of thinking about and engaging with urban space.

Order, Materiality, and Urban Space in the Early Modern Kingdom of Sweden

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Riitta Laitinen
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Urban Space ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Physical Environment ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Central Importance ◽  
Time Period ◽  
Public Versus Private ◽  
The Relationship

Our corporeality and immersion in the material world make us inherently spatial beings, and the fact that we all share everyday experiences in the global physical environment means that community is also spatial by nature. This book explores the relationship between the seventeenth-century townspeople of Turku, Sweden, and their urban surroundings. Riitta Laitinen offers a novel account of civil and social order in this early modern town, highlighting the central importance of materiality and spatiality and breaking down the dichotomy of public versus private life that has dominated traditional studies of the time period.

The Esipov Chronicle and the Creation of the Concept of Siberia as a Special Sacred Space

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 594-607
Author(s):  
Isolde Thyrêt
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Sacred Space ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Thought ◽  
The Urals ◽  
Russian Orthodoxy ◽  
Religious Traditions ◽  
Economic Exploitation ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Regional Perspective

The conquest of Siberia and the conversion of its peoples to Russian Orthodoxy are generally seen as the outcome of a successful Muscovite imperial policy, which aimed at the political subordination of the area east of the Urals to the tsar’s will and at Siberia’s economic exploitation. While scholars tend to view even the definition of a Siberian identity as an outgrowth of Muscovite political and religious thought, this article explores how the Esipov Chronicle, composed in 1636 by Savva Esipov, a deacon of the Sophia Cathedral in Tobolsk, articulated the Siberian hierarchs’ view on the importance of their border diocese to their Muscovite homeland. The Esipov Chronicle achieved this purpose by presenting Ermak’s expedition into Siberia and the defeat of the pagan tsar Kuchum as an important chapter in the Christian salvation drama. Portraying the land beyond the Urals as a place with its own local religious traditions, the Esipov Chronicle created the notion that Siberia was a unique sacred space that needed to be respected. In the early seventeenth century, the Muscovite agenda regarding Siberia was seemingly not yet fully developed, allowing the Siberian hierarchs to formulate their own regional perspective on their outpost diocese.

Conscription and English Society in the 1620s

1972 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Stearns
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Military Service ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mind And Body ◽  
Stuart Period ◽  
English Society ◽  
History Of ◽  
Standing Army

Few habitual activities of government engender more dissatisfaction than conscription for military service. Complaints about taxation are, perhaps, more frequent but only because governments wage war more spasmodically than they collect revenues. From the perspective of the twentieth century, which has seen more men pressed into military service than any other period in the known past, the history of conscription and its impact on the political and social order ought to be of some interest.The seventeenth century, like the twentieth, was wracked with continuous warfare, naked power struggles for international hegemony and fierce ideological combat. As a consequence, while at the beginning of the century no major European state had a standing army, at its end all had. In England, as in the rest of Europe, the century echoed to the banging of the recruiter's drum. Our view of the recruiting process under the Stuart monarchs is framed at each end of the century by two brilliant and brutally satirical portraits, Shakespeare's Falstaff and Farquahar's recruiting officer Captain Plume with his ever present Sergeant Kite. What they tell us is that the crown was horribly served, getting for soldiers the Feebles of mind and body, that providing men for military service (whether pressed or “recruited”) was a dirty, unfair and corrupt process and that the situation under good Queen Anne was the same as it had been under good Queen Bess. This “Falstaffian perspective” on the early Stuart period has never been challenged or examined in detail.

scholarly journals Dominant, hidden and forbidden sensemaking: The politics of ideology and emotions in diversity management

Organization ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 557-577 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Naima Mikkelsen ◽  
Randi Wåhlin
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
Diversity Management ◽  
The Political ◽  
Specific Situation ◽  
Chain Store ◽  
Diverse Workforce ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Local Branch ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Ideological Resources

An important but understudied issue in the study of organisational sensemaking concerns how power and politics influence sensemaking processes, specifically the political struggles immanent in collective processes of meaning construction and organising. When people are located at different areas and levels in the organisational hierarchy and they draw on different experiences and areas of knowledge, they often develop conflicting interpretations, which may compete for legitimacy. To capture the dimension of power in sensemaking, we combine the sensemaking perspective with a poststructuralist feminist conception of power, as this allows us to explore the mechanisms through which some sensemaking becomes legitimate whereas others remain marginalised. We specifically explore the ideological resources that shape the terrain within which a diverse workforce interpret, enact and emotionally experience diversity management in a local branch of a global retail chain store. The study used in-depth interviews and participant observations to provide insight into the complex mechanisms that are employed to control the definition of a specific situation, mapping out a hierarchical system of dominant, hidden and forbidden sensemaking of diversity management. The article concludes that the political processes of sensemaking deeply implicate emotions as a central force that facilitates the ongoing reproduction of social order. Our study, therefore, highlights the need to conceive of sensemaking, power and emotions as a complex nexus of the micro-political practices in which certain terrains of action unfold, allowing collective organising to occur.

Immanence and Micropolitics

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Gilliam
Keyword(s):  
Power Relations ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Industrial Capitalism ◽  
Conceptual Necessity ◽  
Post Industrial ◽  
Pure Immanence ◽  
Alternative Understanding

Christian Gilliam argues that a philosophy of ‘pure’ immanence is integral to the development of an alternative understanding of ‘the political’; one that re-orients our understanding of the self toward the concept of an unconscious or ‘micropolitical’ life of desire. He argues that here, in this ‘life’, is where the power relations integral to the continuation of post-industrial capitalism are most present and most at stake. Through proving its philosophical context, lineage and political import, Gilliam ultimately justifies the conceptual necessity of immanence in understanding politics and resistance, thereby challenging the claim that ontologies of ‘pure’ immanence are either apolitical or politically incoherent.

“Christians Love the Jews!” The Development of American Philo-Semitism, 1790-1860

1996 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert K. Whalen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Literature ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
Early National Period ◽  
Early National ◽  
Social Views ◽  
British Research

Philo-Semitism is America's enduring contribution to the long, troubled, often murderous dealings of Christians with Jews. Its origins are English, and it drew continuously on two centuries of British research into biblical prophecy from the seventeenth Century onward. Philo-Semitism was, however, soon “domesticated” and adapted to the political and theological climate of America after independence. As a result, it changed as America changed. In the early national period, religious literature abounded that foresaw the conversion of the Jews and the restoration of Israel as the ordained task of the millennial nation—the United States. This scenario was, allowing for exceptions, socially and theologically optimistic and politically liberal, as befit the ethos of a revolutionary era. By the eve of Civil War, however, countless evangelicals cleaved to a darker vision of Christ's return in blood and upheaval. They disparaged liberal social views and remained loyal to an Augustinian theology that others modified or abandoned.

State Failure and the Political Violence Phenomenon: A Comparative Analysis of Iraq and Syria Cases

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
State Failure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Collective Violence ◽  
Short Run ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Cold War

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.

Muscovy and the Tatars

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-431
Author(s):  
Bulat R. Rakhimzianov
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
East European ◽  
Central Eurasia ◽  
History Of ◽  
Mutual Relations ◽  
Forest Line ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This article explores relations between Muscovy and the so-called Later Golden Horde successor states that existed during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries on the territory of Desht-i Qipchaq (the Qipchaq Steppe, a part of the East European steppe bounded roughly by the Oskol and Tobol rivers, the steppe-forest line, and the Caspian and Aral Seas). As a part of, and later a successor to, the Juchid ulus (also known as the Golden Horde), Muscovy adopted a number of its political and social institutions. The most crucial events in the almost six-century-long history of relations between Muscovy and the Tatars (13–18th centuries) were the Mongol invasion of the Northern, Eastern and parts of the Southern Rus’ principalities between 1237 and 1241, and the Muscovite annexation of the Kazan and Astrakhan khanates between 1552 and 1556. According to the model proposed here, the Tatars began as the dominant partner in these mutual relations; however, from the beginning of the seventeenth century this role was gradually inverted. Indicators of a change in the relationship between the Muscovite grand principality and the Golden Horde can be found in the diplomatic contacts between Muscovy and the Tatar khanates. The main goal of the article is to reveal the changing position of Muscovy within the system of the Later Golden Horde successor states. An additional goal is to revisit the role of the Tatar khanates in the political history of Central Eurasia in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

Prologue

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter D. McDonald
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Expression ◽  
Intangible Heritage ◽  
History Of ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Print Literacy

The section introduces Part II, which spans the period 1946 to 2014, by tracing the history of the debates about culture within UNESCO from 1947 to 2009. It considers the central part print literacy played in the early decades, and the gradual emergence of what came to be called ‘intangible heritage’; the political divisions of the Cold War that had a bearing not just on questions of the state and its role as a guardian of culture but on the idea of cultural expression as a commodity; the slow shift away from an exclusively intellectualist definition of culture to a more broadly anthropological one; and the realpolitik surrounding the debates about cultural diversity since the 1990s. The section concludes by showing how at the turn of the new millennium UNESCO caught up with the radical ways in which Tagore and Joyce thought about linguistic and cultural diversity.

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