Sketches IV. Comparing Extrajudicial Killings

2022 ◽  
pp. 87-88
Author(s):  
Annalisa Enrile ◽  
Dorotea Mendoza

The term human rights defenders was coined after the ratification of the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights in 1998. The term encompasses those who identify and act as advocates, activists, professionals, and workers; those who monitor and take reports; and others who work in the human rights arena. The point of unity that all human rights defenders share is that they seek to promote and protect basic civil rights. They may do this in multiple capacities, including providing legal aid, mental health services, casework, and general protection such as providing shelter or security. The work of human rights defenders is difficult and dangerous. In 2017, more than 300 human rights defenders were killed. The Philippines has a history of violations in the spheres of labor, politics, and gender rights. In 2017, there were human rights violations in the form of more than 350,000 displaced persons, more than 4,000 extrajudicial killings, overpopulated prisons, and the trafficking of thousands of women and children. The most effective way to address these violations is through transnational organizing and movement building, cultivating international alliances of women who fight abuses against human rights defenders. These organizations and coalitions operate beyond borders and create change through engagement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 245-261
Author(s):  
Kathleen DeGuzman

This article studies diasporic spectatorship of transnational media of the Philippines and proposes that the unwatchable is not simply that which cannot stand to be seen. Rather, within the context of two Filipino-centric visual media events organized in San Francisco, the article frames as unwatchable difficult viewing experiences that produce unexpected strategies for beholding. By examining Brillante Mendoza’s film Ma’Rosa (2016) and Raffy Lerma’s photojournalistic coverage of extrajudicial killings linked to President Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs in the Philippines, the article positions laughter, silence, and turning away as diasporic viewing strategies that charge seemingly unengaged emotional responses with a politics for enduring traumatic visual media.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-84
Author(s):  
Neyla G Pardo

This chapter analyzes speeches delivered by former Colombian President, Álvaro Uribe Vélez, between August 2002 and August 2009, which can be found on the official website of the presidency: ( http://web.presidencia.gov.co/discursos/ ). We attempt to identify the webs of meaning surrounding the concepts of ‘Democratic Security’ and ‘Communitarian State’ with awareness of the relationship between discourse, ideology and power. The aim is to better understand the political power of the plans, programs and projects developed by Uribe’s administration, and how this was affected by widespread deployment of the media. These policies are conditioned by a set of colonialist principles that are embodied in symbolic-discursive strategies that result in representations, by means of which mechanisms of marginalization, discrimination and polarized hierarchy are legitimized from the different social spheres. During the 7-year period analyzed there were controversial debates over the commission of crimes against humanity by national security agents, as well as corruption scandals over topics like ‘para-politics’, ‘false positives’, selective arrests, extrajudicial killings and violations of the sovereignty of bordering countries. Within this political context, we attempt to identify the inherent tensions and social conflicts. It is argued that the analyzed discourses reproduce colonialist thoughts, in relation to neoliberal principles and the application of global policies. Using the principles of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), we explore the strategies and resources used in Uribe’s speeches and how major themes are positioned to reproduce systems of beliefs, values and attitudes.


Subject The US Global Magnitsky Act. Significance Congress passed the Global Magnitsky Act as part of an annual national defence bill on December 8 and President Barack Obama is expected to sign it before the end of the year. The legislation allows the president to impose sanctions against individuals tied to official corruption and extrajudicial killings carried out in retaliation for uncovering illegal or corrupt acts. Impacts Jurisdictions in Australia, Canada, Singapore and the United Kingdom may also seek to boost real estate transparency. The White House may use its new sanctioning powers to pressure Iran and burnish its anti-Tehran credentials. The example set by Trump’s future use of the Global Magnitsky Act will be directly correlated with its chance of renewal in 2022.


Significance The move follows Duque's cancellation of peace talks with the National Liberation Army (ELN) on January 18, after a bomb attack on a Bogota police academy that killed 22. On February 6, Duque announced a new Defence and Security Policy (PDS) ruling out any prospect of bilateral ceasefires with non-state armed groups and launching a renewed focus on hardline security strategies. Impacts A return to open war will undermine hopes of an economic ‘peace dividend’ following the peace process with the FARC. An increase in militarised security policies and forcible coca eradication will lead to more human rights abuse and extrajudicial killings. Increased violence will breed contempt for the government among rural communities, making the removal of armed groups more difficult. With Venezuela’s crisis looking set to worsen, Colombia’s security situation shows little prospect of improvement in the coming years.


Significance Meanwhile, extrajudicial killings frequently take place in staged police confrontations with suspected criminals. There has rarely been much effort by the judiciary to clamp down on unlawful police violence. Impacts Yogi Adityanath, chief minister of Uttar Pradesh state, may be a future prime ministerial candidate. Pressure will grow on parliament to pass anti-lynching legislation. The Supreme Court is unlikely to push back much on decisions made by the federal government.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan J. Gallagher ◽  
Andrew J. Reagan ◽  
Christopher M. Danforth ◽  
Peter Sheridan Dodds

Since the shooting of Black teenager Michael Brown by White police officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri, the protest hashtag #BlackLivesMatter has amplified critiques of extrajudicial killings of Black Americans. In response to #BlackLivesMatter, other Twitter users have adopted #AllLivesMatter, a counter-protest hashtag whose content argues that equal attention should be given to all lives regardless of race. Through a multi-level analysis of over 860,000 tweets, we study how these protests and counter-protests diverge by quantifying aspects of their discourse. We find that #AllLivesMatter facilitates opposition between #BlackLivesMatter and hashtags such as #PoliceLivesMatter and #BlueLivesMatter in such a way that historically echoes the tension between Black protesters and law enforcement. In addition, we show that a significant portion of #AllLivesMatter use stems from hijacking by #BlackLivesMatter advocates. Beyond simply injecting #AllLivesMatter with #BlackLivesMatter content, these hijackers use the hashtag to directly confront the counter-protest notion of "All lives matter." Our findings suggest that Black Lives Matter movement was able to grow, exhibit diverse conversations, and avoid derailment on social media by making discussion of counter-protest opinions a central topic of #AllLivesMatter, rather than the movement itself.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document