scholarly journals On the Greek reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European labiovelars

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dariusz R. Piwowarczyk

The present article investigates the problem of the reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European labiovelars in Ancient Greek. There have been numerous discussions of the issue, both concerning the origin of such a set of changes and also about the precise formulation of its outcomes and possible analogical changes. The data is drawn from a variety of Greek dialects which reflect the different outcomes of the prehistoric labiovelars. It is discussed at length whether the hypothesis proposed in 1881 that the outcome of the voiced labiovelar */gw/ in Greek was /d/ before the front vowels (both /i/ and /e/ ) is supported by the attested data. It is concluded that such a view would require too many analogical changes and, therefore, that it is better to assume different outcomes before /i/ and /e/ respectively. Furthermore, it is pointed out that the overall picture of the development of labiovelars in Greek requires a new and thorough investigation of the complete material presented in the particular dialects.

2014 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Hornblower

The subject of this paper is a striking and unavoidable feature of theAlexandra: Lykophron's habit of referring to single gods not by their usual names, but by multiple lists of epithets piled up in asyndeton. This phenomenon first occurs early in the 1474-line poem, and this occurrence will serve as an illustration. At 152–3, Demeter has five descriptors in a row: Ἐνναία ποτὲ | Ἕρκυνν' Ἐρινὺς Θουρία Ξιφηφόρος, ‘Ennaian … Herkynna, Erinys, Thouria, Sword-bearing’. In the footnote I give the probable explanations of these epithets. Although in this sample the explanations to most of the epithets are not to be found in inscriptions, my main aim in what follows will be to emphasize the relevance of epigraphy to the unravelling of some of the famous obscurity of Lykophron. In this paper, I ask why the poet accumulates divine epithets in this special way. I also ask whether the information provided by the ancient scholiasts, about the local origin of the epithets, is of good quality and of value to the historian of religion. This will mean checking some of that information against the evidence of inscriptions, beginning with Linear B. It will be argued that it stands up very well to such a check. TheAlexandrahas enjoyed remarkable recent vogue, but this attention has come mainly from the literary side. Historians, in particular historians of religion, and students of myths relating to colonial identity, have been much less ready to exploit the intricate detail of the poem, although it has so much to offer in these respects. The present article is, then, intended primarily as a contribution to the elucidation of a difficult literary text, and to the history of ancient Greek religion. Despite the article's main title, there will, as the subtitle is intended to make clear, be no attempt to gather and assess all the many passages in Lykophron to which inscriptions are relevant. There will, for example, be no discussion of 1141–74 and the early Hellenistic ‘Lokrian Maidens inscription’ (IG9.12706); or of the light thrown on 599 by the inscribed potsherds carrying dedications to Diomedes, recently found on the tiny island of Palagruza in the Adriatic, and beginning as early as the fifth centuryb.c.(SEG48.692bis–694); or of 733–4 and their relation to the fifth-centuryb.c.Athenian decree (n. 127) mentioning Diotimos, the general who founded a torch race at Naples, according to Lykophron; or of 570–85 and the epigraphically attested Archegesion or cult building of Anios on Delos, which shows that this strange founder king with three magical daughters was a figure of historical cult as well as of myth.


1921 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. E. R. Boak

The political achievements of the Greek people are so manifold and so important that any student of modern politics naturally is tempted to turn to ancient Greece to find the origin of, or parallels to, recent developments in his own field. And so there are not wanting those who would see in certain unions or associations of Greek states anticipations of the ideas which are incorporated in the newly constituted League of Nations. However, the view that any close parallel to the League of Nations existed in the ancient Greek world is due, I believe, to a misinterpretation or idealization of the character and aims of these ancient associations. Accordingly, in the present article I shall try to give a survey of the chief types of interstate associations that arose in ancient Greece, besides suggesting certain changes in their current English nomenclature, which is apt to mislead the casual reader as to their true character.


2019 ◽  
pp. 40-52
Author(s):  
Fedir Dovbyshchenko

The present article is an attempt to analyze the narrative strategies and scope of Xenophon’s “Cyropaedia” and Herodian’s “History of the Roman Empire” as viewed within the modern reception in classical philology. This paper presumes that the narrative techniques of writing historiographical biographies in antiquity might be the same across the whole period which separates the two works in question. The distance in time did not result in radical changes of the narrative structure in historiography, as the example of Xenophon’s “Cyropaedia” and Herodian’s “History” shows. The analysis of the ancient histories, as this article argues, can be conducted not only to understand the level of their factual reliability, but also to describe their possible impact on contemporary readers or listeners. It is also shown in the present article that the narrative structure of the two histories is far from being that of the non-fictional prose, and that modern classicists tend to consider them as fictional texts. Moreover, the whole ancient historiography, unlike the modern one, has to be treated as fiction, for the strategies of creating it were similar to the narrative strategies of other genres.


Muzikologija ◽  
2005 ◽  
pp. 101-117
Author(s):  
Aikaterini Romanou

In this article the writer investigates the relations between perceptions of the East and the West in nineteenth century Greece, their connection to national identity, to the language question and to political tendencies. The composer Manoles Kalomoires was influenced by a group of progressive intellectuals striving to liberate Greek literature and language from its dependence on Ancient Greek legacy, a dependence motivated by Western idealists (who saw in the Greek Revolution of 1821 a renaissance of Ancient Greece). Most were educated in the West, but promoted an oriental image of Greeks. Kalomoires' musical expression of this image was inspired by Rimsky-Korsakov's Sheherazade and the Golden Cockerel. In 1909-910 he wrote an unfinished opera, Mavrianos and the King, on the model of the Golden Cockerel. He later used this music in his best known opera, The Mother's Ring (1917). In the present article the similarities in the three works are for the first time shown. An essential influence from Rimsky-Korsakov's work is the contrast between the world of freedom, nature and fantasy and that of oppression.


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-64
Author(s):  
Franz Rainer

The prefix (or combining form) neo- is treated in Marchand (1969) as a revival of Ancient Greek [Formula: see text] `new'. In the present article it is argued that in reality most uses of neo- in the modern languages have not been taken from ancient Greek directly, but from Neo-Latin. European languages are shown to differ considerably with respect to the number of Neo-Latin patterns which they have integrated.


1960 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-127
Author(s):  
B. E. Newton

A question which occurs frequently to classical students and others concerns the relation between ancient and modern Greek. It is the purpose of the present article to indicate in as brief a fashion as possible the lines on which the question might be approached.Perhaps the most amazing thing about Greek is that in the period over which our written records extend—in over three millennia, since the decipherment of Linear B—it has changed so little. Whereas a student of Latin would be ill-equipped to read a modern Italian newspaper, a person with a good working knowledge of classical Greek would not only find an Athenian newspaper intelligible for the most part, but would be amazed at the remarkable likenesses between the ancient and the modern languages. For the vocabulary of a Greek newspaper is probably 99 per cent, of classical origin and modern Greek has retained much of the cumbersome grammar of the ancient language—and ancient Greek has got a cumbersome grammar, when we consider that its verb has over four hundred forms as compared to sixty or so in French and two in Afrikaans. Thus the declension of φίλος is precisely the same now (except for the absence of the dual, which was obsolescent in Xenophon's day, and of the dative) as it was in the fifth century B.c. The conjugation of the present of ἒχω is identical with that of the classical verb, although the third plural ending -ουσι occurs mostly dialectically, e.g. in Cypriot, and has been largely replaced by -ουν.


2009 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-223
Author(s):  
CRISTINA CERAMI

AbstractThe present article aims to provide a reconstruction of the interpretation offered by Thomas Aquinas of the cognitive process described at the beginning of Aristotle's Physics and of his criticism of Averroes' interpretation. It expounds to this end the exegesis of ancient Greek commentators who opened the debate on this question; then, it puts forward a reconstruction of Aquinas' doctrine by means of other texts of his corpus, as well as an explanation of his criticism of Averroes' exegesis; it finally reconstructs Averroes' interpretation worked out in his Great Commentary to Phys. I, 1, in order to show that Aquinas' disapproval is partly due to an incorrect interpretation of Averroes' divisio textus of Phys. I, 1. It suggests as well that, concerning some fundamental points, Aquinas' exegesis doesn't diverge from the interpretation proposed by Averroes.


Literator ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-168
Author(s):  
W. J. Henderson

Ancient Greek praise poems Arguing from both the surviving texts themselves and from ancient theorists, the present article deals with early Greek lyric poems in praise of human beings. This type of lyric falls under the more “secular types” of ancient Greek lyric, in the sense that they were addressed, not to a divine being, but to a human being. The context or space of such “secular” lyric performance includes, not only the public gathering of officials and the populace, but also the private and intimate circle of individuals with shared interests. Both choral odes and solo-lyrics are therefore involved. The lyric types discussed are the praise poem, the war poem, the political poem and the dirge.


2015 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Daniel King

Abstract:The present article explores the motives behind the so-called ‘appropriation’ of Aristotelian logic by the Syriac-speaking community in the Near East from the sixth to the ninth centuries. While it is often assumed that the Syrians adopted Greek logic for religious, and polemical, ends, we aim to show rather that the underlying reasons given for the study of logic and its propagation through educational institutions were much the same among Syriac as they were for Greek practitioners of philosophy in Late Antiquity. There was a marked continuity between the late ancient Greek centres of learning and the Syriac monasteries. Syriac theologians rarely, if ever, sought to use Aristotle as a crutch in sectarian religious debates. There are implications for our understanding of how and why the Arabic renaissance in logic came about.


Author(s):  
Konrad Tadajczyk ◽  
Krzysztof Witczak

The article discusses the problem of identifying a Mediterranean fish called γλαῦκος in Ancient Greek and glaucus in Latin. It was a big and well-known fish living in the Mediterranean Sea. It appears in numerous literary sources of the classical (Greek and Roman) world. After analyzing all preserved attestations of the Greco-Latin ichthyonym, the authors of the present article suggest that this fish should be identified with the Mediterranean spearfish (Tetrapturus belone Rafinesque, 1810). It is possible that the fish name γλαῦκος/glaucus referred to the roundscale spearfish (Tetrapturus georgii R.T. Lowe, 1841) and also to the Atlantic white marlin (Kajikia albida Poey, 1860, syn. Tetrapturus albidus Poey, 1860).


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