scholarly journals Para uma Antiga Direita, um Novo Nacionalismo: Uma Análise sobre o Fortalecimento da Extrema Direita Europeia e a Intensificação de Discursos Xenófobos l For an old Right, a New Nationalism: An Analysis on the Strengthening of Extreme European Right and the Intensification of Xenophobic Discourses

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. e59053
Author(s):  
Carolina De Lima Costa ◽  
Larissa Caroline Souza da Silva

Durante a segunda década do século XXI, é possível notar a maior proeminência de partidos de direita na Europa, que se fortalecem com base em discursos nacionalistas que exaltam a preservação de identidades estatais e fomentam narrativas anti-imigração. A proposta de leis mais rígidas quanto ao fluxo de pessoas feita pelo Ministro do Interior da Itália Matteo Salvini em nome da manutenção da segurança nacional e as declarações racistas proferidas pelo primeiro-ministro húngaro Viktor Orbán marcam a cena midiática internacional, expondo uma nova fase de políticas e posicionamentos orientados pelo que Denica Yotova (2017) chamou de “neonacionalismo”. Sendo assim, o presente trabalho terá como objetivo estabelecer uma análise sobre a ascensão de partidos de direita em diversos países do bloco europeu e a emergência de discursos xenófobos. Para isso, discursos midiáticos recentes de governantes e candidatos direitistas serão considerados. Palavras-chave: Neonacionalismo; Xenofobia; Direita Europeia.ABSTRACTDuring the second decade of the 21st century, it is possible to note the greater prominence of right-wing parties in Europe, which are strengthened on the basis of nationalist discourses that exalt the preservation of state identities and foster anti-immigration narratives. The proposal for stricter laws regarding the flow of people made by the Italian Interior Minister Matteo Salvini in the name of maintaining national security and the racist statements made by the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán mark the international media scene, exposing a new phase of policies and positions guided by what Denica Yotova (2017) called “neonationalism”. Thus, this paper aims to establish an analysis of the rise of right-wing parties in several European bloc countries and the emergence of xenophobic discourses. For this, recent media speeches by government officials and right-wing candidates will be considered.Keywords:Neonationalism; Xenophobia; European Right-wing. Recebido em: 10/04/2021 | Aceito em: 01/10/2021.

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
CASIS Vancouver

This briefing note explores the potential threat posed by the Yellow Vest Canada movement (YVC) being arguably infiltrated and co-opted by right-wing extremist (RWE) groups, and the possible escalation this may cause. The YVC has the potential to evolve from a peaceful movement into a national security threat. Yellow Vesters have become increasingly characterized by their death threats against Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, clashes with counter-protesters, and the movement’s growing support from local RWE groups, seeking to utilize the YVC as a means for expanding their supporter base and normalizing extremist rhetoric. In the event of the adoption of YVC by RWE groups, there is the potential for extremist narratives to be pushed into the normative political sphere and turn the YVC movement into a Violent Transnational Social Movement (VTSM).


2001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward F. Smith ◽  
Bobbitt Jr. ◽  
Kreis Rosser ◽  
Olson John F. ◽  
Pechous Warren K. ◽  
...  

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
PACIFIC AIR FORCES HICKAM AFB HI CHECO DIV

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110226
Author(s):  
Ayala Panievsky

As populist campaigns against the media become increasingly common around the world, it is ever more urgent to explore how journalists adopt and respond to them. Which strategies have journalists developed to maintain the public's trust, and what may be the implications for democracy? These questions are addressed using a thematic analysis of forty-five semistructured interviews with leading Israeli journalists who have been publicly targeted by Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. The article suggests that while most interviewees asserted that adherence to objective reporting was the best response to antimedia populism, many of them have in fact applied a “strategic bias” to their reporting, intentionally leaning to the Right in an attempt to refute the accusations of media bias to the Left. This strategy was shaped by interviewees' perceived helplessness versus Israel's Prime Minister and his extensive use of social media, a phenomenon called here “the influence of presumed media impotence.” Finally, this article points at the potential ramifications of strategic bias for journalism and democracy. Drawing on Hallin's Spheres theory, it claims that the strategic bias might advance Right-wing populism at present, while also narrowing the sphere of legitimate controversy—thus further restricting press freedom—in the future.


2005 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-207

Ha'Aretz's lengthy interview with Dov Weisglass, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's ““point man”” with Washington and probably his closest advisor, was conducted by Ari Shavit and published first in excerpts and two days later in its entirety. In addition to bringing into sharp contrast the contradiction between Israel's declaratory policies and assurances and its actual policies and intentions——and in so doing eliciting a swift ““clarification”” from the Prime Minister's Office——the interview also conveys a sense of the intimacy and easy camaraderie that characterizes U.S.-Israeli interactions. The full text is available at www.haaretz.com. Tell me about the dynamics of the relationship between you [and U.S. national security advisor Condoleezza Rice], and whether it's an unusual relationship.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-109
Author(s):  
Adi Armon

Decades before he was known as a historian or as an early neoconservative thinker, let alone as the father of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Benzion Netanyahu was a young student and journalist in British Mandatory Palestine. In this tumultuous period, reaching its peak with the 1933 murder of Haim Arlosoroff, Netanyahu dwelt at the margins of Zionist politics, belonging to a group of well-educated, right-wing, young outsiders—students, poets, journalists, intellectuals, and pseudo-intellectuals—all of whom rebelled against their current and former Hebrew University professors. This study examines the crystallization of Netanyahu’s worldview and his Zionist ideology by focusing on three events between 1932 and 1935 that shaped his hostility toward the left and, much later, which became integral components of politics in Israel.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yamamah Kashkool ◽  
wael Al-bayati

"The period of approving the Constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005 was surrounded by a state of political turmoil that usually accompanies any transitional phase that carries many political variables through the transition from a phase of dictatorial rule to a new phase bearing the features of democracy. In its approval, the lack of clarity in the political vision and the weakness of the constitutional legal culture of its authors, as well as the way in which it was approved by a popular referendum, which is voted on by yes or no, and does not allow an opportunity to discuss its articles and articles and diagnose its shortcomings. One of the shortcomings in our constitution is that it does not refer to regulating the resignation of the Prime Minister. This position has a political nature, and an administrative nature, and its occupant has the right to decide not to continue with this position and be satisfied with working in this field for any reason, and this must be in accordance with the context Organized legal, which is known as resignation., and this is what we dealt with in this research. For the purpose of researching this topic, we asked a research question that is... How can we address the legislative shortcomings that surrounded the Constitution of the Republic of Iraq for the year 2005 and related to regulating the resignation of the Prime Minister? From this research question, we derived several secondary research questions... 1- What is the limitation of legislative shortcomings? 2- What are the reasons for the legislative deficiencies in the Iraqi constitution? 3- Does the Prime Minister have the right to resign during his tenure? 4- To whom is the resignation submitted? 5- Who is the party that decides whether or not to accept the resignation? 6- What are the procedures that follow the acceptance of the resignation? By discussing these questions, we will try to reach the possibility of developing a legislative text that deals with a complete organization of the resignation of the Prime Minister, especially since the idea of ​​amending the constitution and to this day is still valid and possible, because many political, social and economic conditions in the country have changed from the time of entry into force of this constitution, which makes the idea of ​​the amendment obligatory and necessary"


1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Larry W. Bowman

Relationships between U.S. government officials and academic specialists working on national security and foreign policy issues with respect to Africa are many and complex. They can be as informal as a phone call or passing conversation or as formalized as a consulting arrangement or research contract. Many contacts exist and there is no doubt that many in both government and the academy value these ties. There have been, however, ongoing controversies about what settings and what topics are appropriate to the government/academic interchange. National security and foreign policy-making in the U.S. is an extremely diffuse process.


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