scholarly journals REDES SOCIAIS DIGITAIS: A LÓGICA DO PENSAMENTO SOCIAL EM EVENTOS DE MOBILIZAÇÃO COLETIVA

polemica ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 001-019
Author(s):  
Georgie Echeverri Vásquez ◽  
Regina Glória Nunes Andrade

Resumo: O presente texto aborda a relação entre o conteúdo de uma rede social digital e a dinâmica de formação do pensamento social nesse ambiente virtual. A partir da análise comunicacional de três eventos da história recente, nomeadamente, a rejeição ao acordo de paz com as FARC (Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia) na Colômbia, o Brexit ou saída do Reino Unido da União Europeia e a ocupação das escolas do Rio de Janeiro por parte dos estudantes secundaristas em 2016, o artigo associa a construção de narrativas múltiplas, próprias da Internet, aos princípios de estabilidade e variabilidade que regem a arquitetura do pensamento social. Por fim, concentra-se na descrição das condições de produção desse tipo de pensamento (formalismo espontâneo, dualismo causal, primazia da conclusão e construção de analogia) no intuito de compreender a coerência de sua lógica.Palavras-chave: Redes sociais digitais. Pensamento social. Comunicação. Mobilização.Abstract: This paper deals with the relationship between content in a social media and the formation of social thought in such a virtual environment. Based on the communication analysis of three events in recent history, namely, the rejection of the peace agreement with the FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia) in Colombia, the Brexit or withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union and the occupation of Rio de Janeiro schools by the students in 2016, the article associates the construction of Internet multiple narratives to the principles of stability and variability that shape the architecture of social thought. Finally, it focuses on the depiction of the conditions of production of that kind of thinking (spontaneous formalism, causal dualism, primacy of conclusion and construction of analogy) aimed at understanding the coherence of its logics by means of illustrative examples. Keywords: Social media. Social thought. Communication. Mobilization. 

2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Paulo Jorge Varela Lopes Dias ◽  
Pedro Miguel Gomes Reis

<p class="Pa7">The main goal of this investigation is to understand the relationship between the nominal rate and the effective tax rate and to evaluate if the differences between them depend on the value of the nominal rate. Based on a sample of 1,530 companies from 5 countries members of the European Union (Denmark, Slovenia, Finland, Luxembourg and the United Kingdom) there’s evidence that the effective tax rate is positively related to the nominal rate. The effective tax rate was calculated through the ratio between the value of the tax paid over the result before tax. When the nominal tax rate increases, the effective rate increases equally but with a slower growth. This relationship is softened if we take into account the value of the nominal tax rate, which shows that companies have the ability to manage the results in order to increase savings in tax.</p>


Author(s):  
Nele Marianne Ewers-Peters

Since its accession to the European Union, the United Kingdom has played an important role in the design and development of the European Union’s foreign, security and defence policy. While it is among the founding members of North Atlantic Treaty Organization, it is also one of the main contributors to European security and played an active part in developing the relationship between both organisations. With the United Kingdom’s decision to leave the European Union, questions concerning the implications of Brexit on European Union–North Atlantic Treaty Organization cooperation arise. As the transatlantic bridge between the two organisations, Britain also faces an uncertain position within the European security architecture. It therefore needs to redefine its relations with the European Union and its own position among other member states. Taking into account the development of national security interests and recent political events, this article develops three possible scenarios that may occur for the European Union–North Atlantic Treaty Organization relationship depending on the outcome of the Brexit negotiations.


2014 ◽  
pp. 116-131
Author(s):  
Beata Słupek

The subject of this publication is the scepticism regarding the future of the European Union in the UK. The research is based on Eurobarometer surveys conducted over the period of five years. A purpose of the research is to show the relationship between the results of the Eurobarometer survey on the future of the EU, and the eurosceptic views in the UK. The main research questions is: is the UK sceptical about the future of the EU? Hypothesis of this publication is that the UK is sceptical about the future of the European Union. The reasons for such attitudes are not analysed here – the article is merely an attempt to present the societal attitudes. The research method employed is the comparative critical analysis of quantitative data. The conclusion is that Great Britain is not significantly eurosceptic. British people are, however, less enthusiastic about what is happening at present in the EU, and also are showing greater anxieties when it comes to the future of the EU.


2021 ◽  
pp. 397-422
Author(s):  
Nigel Foster

The history of the relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union from its beginning has been, if nothing else, a very vacillating one, and even at the beginning, the UK was a ‘reluctant’ partner in the European project. This chapter will outline the changing legal and political relationship before, during, and after ‘Brexit’, as the negotiations for the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) came to be known. The departure, on 31 January 2020, and complete separation on 31 December 2020, placed the UK as a third country to the EU as regards its new trading relationship, is also considered.


Author(s):  
Danijela Dudley

Bosnia and Herzegovina emerged as an independent state in 1995 after a bloody civil war that accompanied the dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The new state faced the task of democratizing its political system and constructing its civil–military relations in the context of postconflict reconstruction and reconciliation, while working within the challenging parameters established by the Dayton Peace Agreement. In order to maintain a unified state of Bosnia and Herzegovina but at the same time create conditions in which Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs could coexist, the international community, which directed the terms of the Dayton Peace Agreement, divided the state internally into two entities and allocated public offices equally among the three ethnic groups, creating thus a convoluted power-sharing structure which continues to dominate the country’s political developments. In addition, the terms of the peace agreement established an extensive presence of the international community to oversee and to a large extent dictate the country’s postwar reforms and implementation of various aspects of the peace agreement. As a result of the context in which it reached statehood, the terms of the peace agreement, and regional circumstances, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s civil–military relations since independence have been shaped by three factors: sustained ethnic divisions among the three constituent peoples; continued, and sometimes forceful, presence of the international community; and the country’s desire for international integration, particularly potential membership in the European Union and NATO. For almost a decade after the war, Bosnia and Herzegovina lacked state-level defense institutions. In fact, the Dayton Peace Agreement allowed the three ethnic groups to maintain their wartime armed forces, leading to the maintenance of three separate militaries, each commanded and controlled by the corresponding ethnic group. Only after a decade of separate existence were the armed forces united and central institutions for their control established. This unification, however, would not have been possible without the international community’s actions and incentives. The continued presence of the Office of the High Representative, coupled with the country’s desire to satisfy the conditions of membership in the European Union and NATO, have led to the establishment of formal institutional structures for democratic civil–military relations and the unification of its ethnic-based armed forces into one military force. At the same time, while the armed forces have been unified and formal institutional structures for civilian control over the armed forces established, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s civil–military relations have yet to be classified as democratic because the formal powers of the civilian leadership have yet to be fully realized.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110037
Author(s):  
Benjamin Martill ◽  
Monika Sus

Both the United Kingdom (UK) and the European Union (EU) have significant incentives for close collaboration in foreign, security and defence policies, given their shared strategic interests, the clear potential for efficiency savings in working together, and the intensity of prior working relations. That the recently negotiated EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement contains no provisions in this area is thus puzzling for followers of European security, who predicted prompt agreement, and for theories of international cooperation, which emphasise the importance of shared threats, absolute gains and prior interaction. We argue the failure to reach such an agreement stemmed from the politics of the withdrawal process itself, which resulted in acute problems of institutional selectivity, negotiating dynamics that polarised the relationship, institutional change that made an agreement less likely, and distributional scrabbling to supplant the UK. Our findings show that the dynamics of moving away from existing forms of cooperation are highly distinct from those motivating cooperation in normal times.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chu Thanh Van

Together with Brexit has come not only the official spliting of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU) but also the question whether scholars and diplomatic officials should approach the relationship between the two partners of the UK and the EU from Integration Theory or Theory of Foreign Policy? This article investigates the effects of both the viewpoints on the practice of certain diplomatic jobs by the UK’s goverments towards the EU from 1972 to 2016 and the research works by scholars in the world on this relationship.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. v-vi

In many ways, the sociopolitical events of 2016 and 2017 have brought to life many of the conceptual debates surrounding the nature and importance of citizenship. The election of President Donald Trump in the United States (US), the rejection of the peace agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC, and the vote on Brexit in the United Kingdom (UK), amongst other signifi cant world events, have in many ways indicated a “crisis of citizenship” as disenchanted voters rejected their countries’ political establishments as much as they rejected specifi c policy proposals or platforms. Even the 2017 election of Emmanuel Macron as president of France over the nativist/populist candidate Marine Le Pen (which may have saved the European Union) represented an important realignment of the French political system.


2021 ◽  
pp. 907-948
Author(s):  
Robert Schütze

This chapter explores the past, present, and future of Brexit. It begins by offering a historical overview of British membership in the Union. With its commitment to European integration often selective, the United Kingdom had come to be seen as an ‘awkward partner’ within the European Union. The chapter then looks at the process of withdrawal and, in particular, the nature and content of Article 50 TEU—the provision that regulates the process. Subsequently, it analyses the post-Brexit Withdrawal Agreement that governs the relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom today. Finally, the chapter tries to look into the future and discusses the prospective partnership options that have been on the diplomatic table for the post-2020 economic relations between the European Union and the United Kingdom.


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