Fear and Loathing in Central America

2020 ◽  
pp. 295-306
Author(s):  
Russell Crandall

This chapter begins with Nils Gilman's seminal essay “The Twin Insurgency,” stating that gangs aim to carve out de facto zones of autonomy for themselves by crippling the state's ability to constrain their freedom of economic action. It talks about gangsters in Latin America that took advantage of the vulnerability of the states they operated in to such a degree that they frequently became shadow powers. It also details how gangs terrorized their host societies, using corruption, extortion, and bullets as their weapons of choice. The chapter cites the statistics that emphasized that the most violent cities in the world were in Latin America, clarifying that the statistics were a result of the impunity enjoyed by the region's criminal organizations, primarily those with ties to the illicit drug trade. It discusses how drug gangs often served as the de facto administrator of social services in slums, where the state failed to provide much of anything.

Author(s):  
Jorge Mantilla ◽  
Andreas E. Feldmann

Criminal governance understood as the regulation of social order, including informal or illegal economies through the establishment of formal and informal institutions that replace, complement, or compete with the state and distribute public goods (e.g., social services, justice, and security) is an expanding area of inquiry in the field of criminology. This analysis, which centers on Latin America, a region beset by this problem, unpacks specific dimensions of this concept including the overlap between the state and criminal orders, the relationship between violence and consent, and violence management through selective forms of enforcement. In so doing it sheds light on how changes in the architecture of governance of many underprivileged communities across the world, but especially in the Global South, is affecting in critical ways the lives and wellbeing of millions of individuals. The discussion underscores the need to reinforce interdisciplinary work linking criminology and other disciplines (e.g., political science, sociology, law, anthropology) as a way to enhance our understanding of the profound impact that criminal governance orders have on the political and social dimensions of contemporary societies.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
ENRIQUE LEFF

Abstract The current environmental crisis calls for thinking about the state of the world: the thermodynamic-ecological and symbolic-cultural conditions of organic and human life on the planet. In this regard, it stresses the need to realize the unawareness and life’s unsustainability that humanity has created. In this text I discuss and take a stand about some of the concepts and founding and constitutive research lines of political ecology. In this way I pretend to open dialogue by placing in context some of the principles, ideas, and founding viewpoints of political ecology in Latin America and contrasting them with those from the English-speaking school of thought. I intend not only to establish a political socio-geography, but to question the epistemic core of political ecology, and to stimulate a more cosmopolitan critical thinking in order to be able to face the hegemonic powers that lead the world into social and environmental decay


Author(s):  
Carlos M. Paixao Junior ◽  
Roberto A. Lourenço ◽  
Fernando Morales-Martínez

Considering questions related to South and Central America probably is best done by using the better-known term of Latin America. Although much of the history of the region has common roots, many specificities make these countries somewhat heterogeneous. However, one can say that ageing in the region has been accelerated and diverse from what was witnessed in more affluent countries elsewhere in the world, because of the persistent problem of poverty still unresolved in Latin America. The over-60 population has been growing in the region for the past 30 years, producing an increase in old-age indices and old-age dependency ratios. This raises important issues about the social protection models that should be adopted to cope with these demographic trends.


1964 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-499
Author(s):  
Robert C. Williamson

Traditional or developing areas of the world are moving toward urban and industrial societies characterized by rationalistic behavior. To an appreciable extent this transition is identified as the rise of urban middle sectors or classes, at least in the case of Latin America. One phase of the transition from a stage of economic underdevelopment to an industrial system has been the advent of public housing. Latin America in the last twenty years has witnessed extensive migration of families from the rural hinterland—in addition to the ever expanding families of the city itself— to the squatter shacks and slums, with eventual transfer of limited numbers to public housing. This article proposes to report on some differences in behavior and values of residents of private dwellings as opposed to those residents of public housing in two Central American capitals.


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-219
Author(s):  
Edward B. Glick

Viewed from its widest angle, the dormant but still unsettled question of the internationalization of Jerusalem is, in reality, a struggle between the Holy See and the Jewish state. Thus one protagonist will inform the United Nations that “the Catholic body throughout the world…will not be contented with a mere internationalization of the Holy Places in Jerusalem” and the other will proclaim to the Israeli Parliament that “for the state of Israel there is, has been and always will be one capital only, Jerusalem, the Eternal”. Since 1947 the Vatican has directed a campaign designed to make unmistakably clear to Israel and the UN that nothing less than the complete territorial internationalization of Jerusalem would be satisfactory; with equal steadfastness has Israel maintained her claim to sovereignty over the entire New City of Jerusalem.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 892-893
Author(s):  
Steven L. Taylor

It is impossible to look at contemporary Latin America and not be struck by the prevalence of violence, whether in the form of drug cartels in Mexico, criminal gangs in Central America, the long-term conflict in Colombia, or urban violence in Brazil. Further, the headliners of violence from these locations obscure a more complex set of interactions that include not just traditional criminal elements but also various social actors and the state itself. This plural violence in the region is the focus of Violent Democracies in Latin America, the volume edited by Enrique Desmond Arias and Daniel M. Goldstein.


Author(s):  
Erica Sarmiento ◽  
Rafael Araujo

Latin America became one of the epicenters of the pandemic due to the Sars-Cov-2 virus. One of the serious problems faced by Latin American populations is forced migration, which, like everything that concerns vulnerable populations, has increased in the pandemic. The cases of Central America and Mexico, a country considered one of the largest human corridors in the world, reached unthinkable levels of human rights violations, demonstrate this. This article addresses, we will discuss the political and socioeconomic effects of the pandemic resulting from the Sars-Cov-2 virus (COVID-19) in Latin America. Likewise, we will present, through the press and the reports of civil society organizations, how, in the middle of the pandemic, the criminalization and blaming of migrants in the speeches of the American government agencies was accentuated.


1995 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael Roncagliolo

Abstract: Over the last few years, academic discussions about the state of communications in the Americas, particularly those discussions taking place in the northern part of the continent, sometimes slide into one or more of the following misunderstandings: the provincialist view, which considers the entire hemisphere to be involved in a single process of trade liberalization, like the NAFTA; the overly simplified view, which assumes that the southern countries are a homogeneous group, from the point of view of cultural and technical vistas; the belief that there has been no effort to integrate these countries' communications; and the globalist view, which aims at forgetting the profound peculiarities which radically differentiate American communications from those of the rest of the world. Keeping in mind these traps and dangers, in this presentation I would like to specify that there exist not one but many processes of trade liberalization affecting the Americas; introduce a view of the internal complexity and heterogeneity of the region; enumerate prior Latin American attempts at communications integration, looking at materials and goals; and present three peculiarities which differentiate the region from the rest of the world. Résumé: Depuis quelques années, les discussions académiques sur les communications dans les Amériques, particulièrement celles ayant lieu dans la moitié nord de ces continents, s'empêtrent parfois dans un ou plusieurs des quatre malentendus suivants: la perspective "provincialiste", qui croit que l'hémisphère entier est en train de s'engager dans un seul grand processus de libéralisation d'échange, à l'instar de l'Accord de libre-échange nord-américain; la perspective simpliste à l'excès, qui suppose que les pays du Sud sont homogènes, tant du point de vue culturel que technique; la croyance qu'il n'y a eu aucun effort d'associer les communications dans ces divers pays; et la perspective "globalisante", qui oublie les particularités profondes qui rendent les communications nord- et sud-américaines radicalement différentes de celles du reste du monde. Tenant compte de ces pièges et dangers, nous aimerions dans cet article spécifier qu'il n'existe pas qu'un seul processus de libéralisation d'échange touchant les Amériques, mais bien plusieurs; souligner la complexité interne et l'hétérogénéité de la région; décrire des tentatives antérieures en Amérique latine d'intégrer les communications, en se concentrant sur matériaux et objectifs; et présenter quelques unes des caractéristiques qui distinguent cette région du reste du monde.


1998 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 138-143

Acting on a recommendation from Secretary of State Albright, President Clinton today sent to the Congress his annual list of those major illicit drug-producing and drug-transit countries that have been certified as either cooperating fully with the United States or taking adequate steps on their own in the fight against drugs. We can only successfully meet the transnational threat of drugs in cooperation and partnership with other nations, President Clinton said. Building on our efforts at home in reducing the demand for drugs, I want to work with our increasingly committed partners in the hemisphere and around the world to stem the supply.


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