Conclusion: Citizenship and the Centaur State

2021 ◽  
pp. 131-140
Author(s):  
Ian Cummins

This final chapter will argue that to tackle the problems of poverty, social inequality and the damage that the penal state has done to individuals and communities, there is a need for a recasting of the notion of citizenship. This chapter is influenced by the work of Somers on notions of citizenship. In her discussion of the abandonment of poor African-Americans in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, she argued that this demonstrates that they had been denied the full rights of social inclusion in the political community. It is only by establishing that all individuals should be recognised as citizens of equal moral worth that we can restore meaningful membership in the political community.

2021 ◽  
pp. 2455328X2110221
Author(s):  
Ronki Ram

Social exclusion of Dalits in India is often understood in terms of discriminatory social structures embedded in oppressive cultural domains of pure versus polluted. Territorial demarcation of Dalits from upper/dominant castes is yet another way of perpetuating and sustaining social exclusion while segregating them in separate neighbourhoods built on the Varna principle of graded social inequality. However, over the last few years, Dalits have gathered some strength to say no to social exclusion while re-territorializing their segregated living spaces into radical sites of social contestation. Dalit counterculture and alternative Dalit heritage are what provided the necessary material for the re-territorialization of Dalit segregated neighbourhoods. The central concern of this study is to unravel what led to transformation of separate Dalit neighbourhoods into social territoriality of contestation.


This chapter examines the current state of the image of black suffering and death and whether the radical potential of humane insight continues by focusing on New Orleans's experience with Hurricane Katrina in 2005. It revisits the book's analysis and theorization of aspects of critical race spectatorship that are defined as visual encounters, in which the viewer is called upon to identify explicitly his or her relationship to race and to (anti-)racism. It also considers the political activation and mobilization of the notion of looking for antiracist ends. By discussing images of New Orleans residents in the immediate wake of Katrina, the chapter emphasizes how images of African Americans founded a rhetoric of black humanity and American justice. It argues that shifting the critical gaze from the body or from the image to the idea of humanity represents a subtle move with profoundly radical consequences for our understanding of the visual encounter.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 362-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. Jason Anastasopoulos

How do migration and immigration shape the political geography of American cities? In this article, we propose a mechanism of partisan sorting and demographic change which is tested using the mass migration of African Americans from New Orleans to Houston, Texas in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. We argue that differences in residential choice preferences among partisans combined with demographic changes which increase diversity can induce sorting by triggering flight (migration) among ideological conservatives. Using Hurricane Katrina evacuee data from schools in Harris Country along with a variety of empirical tools, we find evidence suggesting that African American Hurricane Katrina migration led to Republican flight.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-113
Author(s):  
Francesco Rotiroti

This article seeks to define a theoretical framework for the study of the relation between religion and the political community in the Roman world and to analyze a particular case in point. The first part reviews two prominent theories of religion developed in the last fifty years through the combined efforts of anthropologists and classicists, arguing for their complementary contribution to the understanding of religion's political dimension. It also provides an overview of the approaches of recent scholarship to the relation between religion and the Roman polity, contextualizing the efforts of this article toward a theoretical reframing of the political and institutional elements of ancient Christianity. The second part focuses on the religious legislation of the Theodosian Code, with particular emphasis on the laws against the heretics and their performance in the construction of the political community. With their characteristic language of exclusion, these laws signal the persisting overlap between the borders of the political community and the borders of religion, in a manner that one would expect from pre-Christian civic religions. Nevertheless, the political essence of religion did also adapt to the ecumenical dimension of the empire. Indeed, the religious norms of the Code appear to structure a community whose borders tend to be identical to the borders of the whole inhabited world, within which there is no longer room for alternative affiliations; the only possible identity outside this community is that of the insane, not belonging to any political entity and thus unable to possess any right.


Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz

This book examines the implications of constitutionalism for the constitutional legal order and the political community which is meant to live by it. The book demonstrates what is at stake in the debate on constitutionalism through numerous examples of political anomalies and abuse of power. It presents stories of constitutional success and failure to give a sense of the current threats, arguing that constitutions are not mere practical applications of political philosophies or opportunistic political deals. The book considers foundational issues related to constitutions and constitutionalism as reflected in influential ideas, political practices, and social dynamics behind the scenes.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


Author(s):  
Matthew Clayton ◽  
Andres Moles

Is the political community morally permitted to use neurointerventions to improve the moral conduct of children? Putting aside difficult questions concerning the institutionalization of moral enhancement, the authors address this question, first, by arguing that is not, in itself, always morally impermissible for the community to impose neurointerventions on adults. Although certain ideals, such as the ideal of individual autonomy, limit the permissible employment of neurointerventions, they do not generate a moral constraint that always forbids their use. Thereafter, they argue that because young children lack certain moral capacities that adults possess, the moral limits that pertain to the use of neurointerventions to improve their moral behaviour are, in principle, less restrictive than they are for adults.


Author(s):  
Sona N. Golder ◽  
Ignacio Lago ◽  
André Blais ◽  
Elisabeth Gidengil ◽  
Thomas Gschwend

Voters face different incentives to turn out to vote in one electoral arena versus another. Although turnout is lowest in European elections, it is found that the turnout is only slightly lower in regional than in national elections. Standard accounts suggest that the importance of an election, in terms of the policy-making power of the body to be elected, drives variation in turnout across elections at different levels. This chapter argues that this is only part of the story, and that voter attachment to a particular level also matters. Not all voters feel connected to each electoral arena in the same way. Although for some, their identity and the issues they most care about are linked to politics at the national level, for others, the regional or European level may offer the political community and political issues that most resonate with them.


Author(s):  
Alasdair Cochrane

Chapter 3 asks what kinds of institutions are needed to protect the worth and rights of sentient creatures. The chapter’s ultimate claim is that they are best protected by democratic institutions: that is, institutions which are participative, deliberative, and representative, and underpinned by a set of entrenched rights. Crucially, the chapter further argues that those institutions should be comprised of dedicated animal representatives. The job of those representatives should be to act as trustees of the interests of ‘animal members’ of the political community. In other words, their job should be to translate the interests of animals with whom we share a ‘community of fate’ into their deliberations with other representatives over what is in the public good.


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