scholarly journals Peace of Cake? Comparative Analysis of Northern Irish and Korean Peace Processes

2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-76
Author(s):  
Alexandre Haym ◽  
David Doherty ◽  
Yongho Kim
Author(s):  
I. Aytaç Kadioğlu

This book assesses the impact of political, non-violent resolution efforts in the Northern Irish and Turkish-Kurdish peace processes. It offers an important contribution to conflict-resolution research, theorising the various stages involved in the attempted resolution of asymmetric conflicts. By relying on primary sources, including interviews and recently declassified archival papers, it presents an innovative framework for conflict resolution, a starting-point for further research on managing peace processes and ethno-nationalist conflicts. This book challenges the notion of ‘conflict resolution’ in these two peace processes, both far-reaching ethno-nationalist conflicts in the post-Cold War era. Incorporating fieldwork carried out until 2015, the book compares these conflicts during major peace attempts, from early secret talks and semi-official peace initiatives, to multilateral and internationalised conflict-resolution processes through not only main armed protagonists, but also independent third parties. It analyses the political resolution efforts for ending the IRA and PKK’s armed campaigns and establishing a peace agreement. It argues that peace initiatives are ongoing processes which contain not only formal peace initiatives, but also informal and secret peace efforts. It suggests that formal and informal initiatives together embody conflict resolution processes through three major aspects: backchannel communications as the unofficial aspect, peace organisations as the informal and semi-official aspect, and negotiations as the official aspect of conflict resolution efforts, which operate at the elite level of conflict resolution.


Author(s):  
Suzanne O’Neill

This chapter offers a comparative analysis of the divergent histories and symbolic associations of the neoclassical Stormont and General Post Office buildings, in Belfast and Dublin respectively. Completed in 1932, the Northern Irish Parliament buildings at Stormont were constructed as a bastion of unionism, designed according to the imperial neoclassical vision of Sir Arnold Thornely, but influenced by the idiosyncratic ideas of Sir James Craig, who is also buried on site in a manner analogous to classicizing hero cult. The General Post Office in Dublin, by contrast, although a colonial building in its 1818 origin, has become one of the most iconic representations of Irish independence as the headquarters of the 1916 Rising. Despite being bombed by British forces during the Rising, it has since been restored and divested of its colonial symbolism.


Author(s):  
Achim Wennmann

The article considers the contribution that wealth-sharing arrangements can make to the consolidation of postconflict transitions. It considers the general role of wealth sharing in peace processes before providing a comparative analysis of case studies of the peace processes of Sudan (North-South) and Indonesia (Aceh). It then draws lessons on how wealth sharing can become a more effective instrument for postconflict transitions.


2020 ◽  
pp. 72-109
Author(s):  
İ. Aytaç Kadıoğlu

The chapter provides an overview of the conflicts and peace processes in Northern Ireland and Turkey that dominated almost four decades of politics and security concerns in both cases. This overview demonstrates the dilemmas faced by authorities in deciding whether to adopt traditional terrorism and counter-terrorism tactics versus ‘conflict resolution’ measures. This historical account explores the transition in the perception of the British and Turkish governments on the one hand, and the leadership of the IRA and PKK, on the other. It reveals that peace efforts and violent campaigns were used together since the beginning of the ‘Troubles’ in Northern Ireland, and since the early 1980s in Turkey. The use of violent and non-violent resolution methods depended on the attitudes of political agents in both conflicts. The chapter also reveals the agents and actors who played a critical role in the transition towards a peaceful resolution. It provides an understanding of how the attitudes and actions of the conflicting parties influenced the outcome of both peace processes.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Fisher

AbstractAn important form of coordination between track one and track two diplomacy revolves around unofficial problem-solving workshops at the level of politically influential individuals that make contributions to the process and outcomes of official negotiations. These contributions typically occur during the prenegotiation phase through the opening up of communication, the improvement of attitudes, the analysis of conflict issues and dynamics, the development of frameworks, the creation of options directed toward resolution, and so on. In order for these effects to be maximally beneficial, coordination between unofficial and official interventions is essential. This study describes connections between track two and track one peacemakers through a comparative analysis of four successful instances where workshops made important prenegotiation and paranegotiation contributions to the official peace processes. The analysis finds that such coordination was limited mainly to information sharing and indirect sequencing of efforts, and that in only one case did it involve the more engaging activities of joint strategy planning and collaboration in implementation. The article concludes that there are inherent limitations to coordination between track one and track two, given their unique and independent roles, but that both domains are evidencing more acceptance and respect for the other, which augurs well for the field of conflict resolution in terms of coordination toward greater effectiveness.


2020 ◽  
pp. 110-148
Author(s):  
İ. Aytaç Kadıoğlu

The nature of political, non-violent peace efforts resulted in over-motivation on official negotiations between conflicting parties and so caused an intention to limit peace processes with these negotiations only. This chapter includes secret communication channels into conflict resolution processes as the pre-negotiation stage and so draws a broader framework for peacemaking. The influence of these track one-and-a-half efforts between the principle armed protagonists, namely the British and Turkish governments on the one hand, the IRA and PKK on the other, are the focus of the research. The chapter reveals that while the pre-negotiation stage began during the early 1970s and lasted until the early 1990s when the Northern Irish parties and British government commenced official negotiations, it was between the 1980s and early 2010s in the Turkish case. It investigates backchannel communications in twofold: (1) Direct talks which bring representatives of disputing parties together in a secret location, (2) indirect communications which are achieved through communication chains built by one or more chains. It is rounded off with a comparison of the two cases regarding the role of these factors in de-escalating the conflict or obstructing peacemaking attempts.


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