Conclusion Sabah’s Covid-19 Election Aftermath: Beyond New (and Old) Political Alignments

2021 ◽  
pp. 329-348
Author(s):  
Bridget Welsh ◽  
Benjamin Yh Loh ◽  
Vilashini Somiah
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-142
Author(s):  
Aintzane Legarreta Mentxaka

Convergences in the work of Kate O'Brien and Virginia Woolf range from literary influences and political alignments, to a shared approach to narrative point of view, structure, or conceptual use of words. Common ground includes existentialist preoccupations and tropes, a pacifism which did not hinder support for the left in the Spanish Civil War, the linking of feminism and decolonization, an affinity with anarchism, the identification of the normativity of fascism, and a determination to represent deviant sexualities and affects. Making evident the importance of the connection, O'Brien conceived and designed The Flower of May (1953), one of her most experimental and misunderstood novels, to paid homage to Woolf's oeuvre.


Author(s):  
John Tolan ◽  
Gilles Veinstein ◽  
Henry Laurens

This chapter chronicles the initial wave of revolutionary fervor in the Muslim world. It first looks at Persia, the first revolutionary Muslim tendencies arose. Moreover, in the early twentieth century, European political alignments changed, with tragic consequences for the Muslim world under European domination, despite theoretical independence. The new European political alignment, founded on a de facto alliance between France, Great Britain, and Russia, came about directly at the expense of the Muslim world in Morocco, Egypt, and Persia. By contrast, imperial Germany, which felt threatened by a supposed desire to encircle it, more than ever looked like the major power protecting Islam.


Author(s):  
Daniel Chirot

This chapter draws eight conclusions from previous chapters for contemporary use. The first is that a kind of “blockage” has occurred, whereby powerful interest groups grow stronger and defend their wealth and privileges by blocking essential change and innovation. The second conclusion points out that it is possible to overcome a crisis if there are strong institutions that can be used by a self-aware political elite capable of understanding that change is necessary. The third is that moderate liberals usually emerge in the early stages of revolution, but are apt to be marginalized later on. The fourth adds that people from other political alignments also fall into the same trap. The fifth argues that wars invariably enhance the power of the radicals. The sixth reminds us that we all need to pay attention to what political leaders write and say, and never assume that what sounds like extremism is just opportunistic exaggeration. The seventh remarks on how ideas were also shaped by cultural and intellectual elites who were not identical to political ones. Finally, the eight: if you want a revolution, beware of how it might turn out.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-102
Author(s):  
Colby Hetherwick Kumwenda

Narratives of discrimination due to gender differentiations, educational background, cultural systems and/or political alignments are not new phenomena in human history. The concepts themselves are as old as the applications within the systems. In order to grasp the cruciality of the tendency, this article discusses the realities of discrimination among the people of northern Malawi using the Dalit experiences in India. Its emphasis is on how the Northerners of Malawi are politically and socio-economically sidelined in the entire system of governance. The article draws the conclusion that theology can in some ways help to minimize the situation when tolerance and accommodation in God’s design can be put into practice in order to promote harmony and togetherness. If this can be enhanced, the ignored North can feel part of Malawi and by doing so, they can reconstruct their lost humanity and dignity.


1986 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 539-557 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farzana Shaikh

One of the principal difficulties in arriving at a constitutional settlement in India during the 1940s stemmed from the inherent conflict between Congress's emphasis upon the principle of majority rule and fluid political alignments and the Muslim League's commitment to the Islamic conviction that numerical configurations were irrelevant to politics and that what mattered was the rigid ideological divide between Muslims and non-Muslims.


1997 ◽  
Vol 117-118 ◽  
pp. 27-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tope Omoniyi

Abstract Identity is an important phenomenon both in traditional and in modern Africa. Before the advent of colonialism, people and communities were identified largely by ethnicity within a political framework. However, within each of the ethnic units, there were other parameters by which people were sub-categorised such as family, ancestral trade/calling, Many language attitude studies have investigated the relative popularity of competing languages in multi-ethnic and multilingual mainstream societies (GREENFIELD 1968, LAMBERT et al. 1975, GILES et al. 1983). In post-colonial Africa focus is on the competition between the languages of complex ethnic societies and erstwhile kingdoms now yoked together as one. In communities which straddle the continents' arbitrarily fixed international political boundaries, attitudes have been established as expressing the political alignments and preferred identities of their residents (OMONIYI, B. 1994). This paper will attempt to demonstrate that the language attitudes of members of borderland communities are also expressions of their identities which are variable. The data upon which the discussion will be based come from the Idiroko/Igolo border on Nigeria's southwestern frontier with Benin. Sociolinguistics, Boundaries, Bilateral, Language Politics, Identity.


1992 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-45
Author(s):  
David D. Cooper ◽  

For the past two decades, the humanistic disciplines have been dominated by poststructuralist theories and, more recently, a not unrelated curricular philosophy best defined as hardline multiculturalism, much discussed and often misunderstood. When linked together, they form an internal contradiction that is the moral challenge of liberal education today. Traditional political alignments cannot explain current divisions among the humanities professoriate. Ideological quarrels only obscure a deeper moral debate between an ascendant poststructuralism and a resurgent liberal humanism. It is important to reappropriate liberal humanism in an effort to revitalize humanistic inquiry and renew its place in creative public discourse, and check a danger posed by poststructuralism's fascination with power and epistemological relativism which threaten to erase the ethical border between education and indoctrination.


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