Political communication strategies of sub-Saharan Africa nationalist movements in the era of (de)colonization: The case of the UPC in Cameroon (1948‐56)

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Tatchou Nounkeu

This article is about the political communication strategies of the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC), a political party in Cameroon which fought for the independence of the country. We particularly focus on the communication channels used by the UPC to transmit political messages, in a context marked by severe administrative repression and restrictions of freedom of press and expression. Theoretically, our article relies on the concept of media system. Methodologically, we use text analysis to map the choices of the UPC. The period of analysis ranges from 1948 when the UPC was created to 1956 when the party was banned by the colonial authorities. The results show that the political communication strategy of the UPC mainly gave preference to letter writing to mobilize the masses. In addition, the UPC owned several newspapers to cover its activities and criticize the French colonial administration in Cameroon.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Muhammad Danil ◽  
Erliza Fitri

This study discusses the political communication carried out by Nasrul in the 2019–2024 legislative elections in Payakumbuh City. The focus of this research is on the elected candidates from the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) due to being elected as a member of the DPRD Payakumbuh City with the most votes. The author assumes that his victory was motivated by good political communication. This research is a field research with a qualitative approach, while data collection is carried out through interviews with direct respondents Nasrul as the main source and secondary sources are the head of the PKS faction, a team of volunteers, community leaders who were selected based on sampling. The purpose of this study was to "know about the political communication used by Nasrul in the legislative elections" in Payakumbuh City for the 2019-2024 period. The results of this study, get the following conclusions: first, the political communication strategy used by Nasrul: 1) Nasrul uses the style of public relations communication (building relationships with the community). 2) Delivering political messages in the form of vision and mission. 3) Using media outside the campaign space such as stickers and calendars. 4) The effectiveness of Nasrul's political communication that is getting support in the form of voting in the legislative elections with acquiring 986 votes in electoral districts III (East Payakumbuh and North Payakumbuh).


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-145
Author(s):  
Yohanes De Britto Bimo Triwicaksono ◽  
Adi Nugroho

This research is motivated by the importance of political communication strategies for winning in regional head elections. The purpose of this study is to determine the political communication strategy in winning the regional head candidate pair. The theory used in this study is the theory of political communication strategy and the descriptions of other supporting theories about political communication strategies. The research method used is descriptive qualitative case study. The data used in this study include primary and secondary data. Primary data is obtained from interviews with seven informants from the Hendri-ita winning post. Meanwhile, secondary data is obtained from journal literature, literature study, and documentation. Data analysis in this study followed the guidelines of the case study research design. The results of this study indicate that the political communication strategy of the regional head candidate pair is carried out by considering the characteristics of the communication components which are communicators, message content, media, communicants, and feedback. Afterwards, through the consideration of the communication. The communication strategy gave the regional head candidate pair victory in the 2020 Semarang regional head election.


2012 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 890-913 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mairi S. MacDonald

AbstractMuch postcolonial theory assumes a continuity of both behavior and representation between colonial rule and what has succeeded it across sub-Saharan Africa. The maltreatment of political prisoners in Guinea in the wake of its brief invasion by Portuguese troops in November 1970 provides a challenging but ultimately fruitful empirical record against which to test this theory. I use an analytical approach informed by history, law, anthropology, and communications theory to explore continuities between the legal practices of French colonial and contemporary revolutionary regimes, on one hand, and Guinea's pursuit of supposed traitors, on the other. Though there is more discontinuity than direct inheritance in the administration of justice, the article argues that the representation of Guinea's colonial heritage was a central part of how President Sékou Touré legitimized his state and his own rule. I suggest that the colonial legacy operated more as a benchmark of what behavior might be acceptable in a postcolonial revolutionary state such as Guinea than as a linear precedent from French colonial rule to the Guinean revolution. The regime's representation of its colonial legacy also helps to explain the form, medium, and content of the political prisoners' broadcast confessions.


Author(s):  
Paul Chaisty ◽  
Nic Cheeseman ◽  
Timothy J. Power

This chapter introduces the three regions—sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and the Former Soviet Union—and the nine countries—Armenia, Benin, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Kenya, Malawi, Russia, and Ukraine—that provide the empirical material for the book. It introduces the two criteria used for case selection: 1) democratic competitiveness; 2) de jure and de facto constitutional provisions that empower presidents to be coalitional formateurs. It also introduces a variable that measures the salience of cross-party cooperation: the Index of Coalitional Necessity. Finally, it sketches the political landscape that has shaped the dynamics of coalitional presidentialism within each region, and it draws attention to important contextual differences between the nine country cases.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-62
Author(s):  
Khoirul Mushthofa Misyuniarto

This study examines the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai as a boarding school caretaker in the General Election. The purpose of this study is to describe the political communication strategy carried out by Kiai Syafik Rofi'i, caretaker of the Salafiyah Syafi'iyah Islamic Boarding School in Bangkalan Regency, East Java Province in the 2019 General Election. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method with a case study approach. The results showed that the political communication strategy being implemented was political negotiation among kiai in Islamic boarding schools in Bangkalan Regency. In addition, political communication uses the strategy of a campaign winning team or success team, and also uses the media as a channel for delivering messages to provide understanding and influence public opinion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-460
Author(s):  
Achmad Nafhis Ubaydillah ◽  
Effy Zalfiana Rusfian

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.


Author(s):  
Yianna Vovides ◽  
Kristine Korhumel

This chapter describes the conceptualization and implementation of a cyberlearning environment as a community of inquiry (CoI). This environment includes 13 medical schools from Sub-Saharan Africa and their 50-plus partners from around the world. The theoretical foundations of Communities of Inquiry provided the framework that drove the design of the web-based platform used in this project. Through an emphasis on learning from conversations, the resulting cyberlearning environment was designed to foster engagement among faculty, staff, and students of the 13 medical schools and their partners. Recognizing that generating a virtual community of inquiry framed around the cognitive, social, and teaching presence is no easy task, the approach taken for the design was based on conceptualizing the development of such a community along a continuum that addressed the depth of interaction for each presence. This type of design assumes a phased-in implementation. The chapter describes this conceptualization by addressing the core communication strategy used, which underlies the interactions to support learning from conversations. In addition, the chapter addresses key environmental constraints and how these constraints guided operational decisions during implementation. In addition, the chapter discusses challenges and solutions, as well as lessons learned.


2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn Somerville

In Pensée 1, “Africa on My Mind,” Mervat Hatem questions the perceived wisdom of creating the African Studies Association (focused on sub-Saharan Africa) and the Middle East Studies Association a decade later, which “institutionalized the political bifurcation of the African continent into two academic fields.” The cleaving of Africa into separate and distinct parts—a North Africa/Middle East and a sub-Saharan Africa—rendered a great disservice to all Africans: it has fractured dialogue, research, and policy while preventing students and scholars of Africa from articulating a coherent understanding of the continent.


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