scholarly journals Historical Failure or Political Realism? The 1956 Hungarian Revolution’s (Mis)Handling by the United Nations

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-47
Author(s):  
András Nagy

After nearly G5 years of the Hungarian 195G Revolution, several questions remained unanswered, mainly concerning the international responses to the Revolution and the brutal suppression of the revolt. The article examines the possibilities and the limitations of the international organization when two member states violate the Charter ofthe very organization,they are members of. Based on current archival research concerning recently declassified documents, the (mainly behind the scenes) activity and the (mainly demonstrative) passivity of the UN are analyzed and explained, without offering any excuse for the political pragmatism of the organization that was once built on moral principles.

Author(s):  
Cristina Fasone ◽  
Nicola Lupo

The shape and content of the EU budget define what the EU wants to be, what it can actually do, its nature, and its aspirations. As often happens with the EU, much depends on the terms of comparison: the Union budget, which is slightly higher than 1 per cent of the EU Gross National Income (GNI), is much smaller than the budgets of most Member States but, at the same time, it is three times bigger than that of the United Nations. Its size and, even more so, the EU procedures which set its expenditures—apart from its revenues—reveal that the EU aims to be something different from a mere international organization.


Author(s):  
Higgins Dame Rosalyn, DBE, QC ◽  
Webb Philippa ◽  
Akande Dapo ◽  
Sivakumaran Sandesh ◽  
Sloan James

The United Nations (UN) is a subject of international law. It develops international law and is, to a certain extent, subject to international law obligations. The UN Charter is interpreted in the light of international law. Under Article 103 of the Charter, the UN can, through the Security Council, create obligations for member states that prevail over international law obligations. The political bodies of the UN are a relevant forum in which to find various sources of law, including treaties and customary international law. The UN is a forum for state practice by its members, and UN organs contribute to the development and clarification of law. This chapter discusses the development of international law by the UN; the interpretation of international law by the UN; the application of general international law to the UN; and the effect of the UN Charter on international law (Article 103).


Author(s):  
Chesterman Simon

The executive head of an international organization (e.g. president, secretary-general, managing director, or some other title) exists in a curious limbo. He or she is entrusted to lead an organization that may employ tens of thousands of people and administer a budget in the billions of dollars. At the same time, however, his or her ability to operate independently of member states may be severely constrained by the powers entrusted to the office or tight constraints over finances. This tension is evident in the United Nations (UN), where the Secretary-General heads the Secretariat and is nominal commander-in-chief of 100,000 peacekeepers but is formally appointed as the organization's ‘Chief Administrative Officer’. This chapter examines the appointment of executive heads and the formal functions ascribed to them. It then turns to the question of how the various officeholders have implemented those functions in practice, focusing on the ability to operate independently of member-state interests.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Cupać ◽  
Irem Ebetürk

Abstract The article observes that women's rights politics in the United Nations are caught in full-scale polarization between feminist and conservative non-governmental organizations (NGOs), particularly visible in their fights over institutional spaces and language. It then sets out to elucidate the process by which this polarization came about. It first ties it to specific reasons for which conservative NGOs entered the UN; namely, their intent to halt and reverse the progress of women's rights. Next, the article observes that this intent has given birth to a specific style of conservative NGOs' advocacy: backlash advocacy. This advocacy differs from regular advocacy in that it does not target only UN decision-makers, but also a rival NGO group and its normative record. Polarization results from feminist NGOs' defensively reciprocating this attack. The article contributes to the literature on international organization (IO)–NGO relations by specifying why conservative NGOs, considered unlikely IO utilizers, end up actively using the UN and by showing that this diversification in NGOs' utilization of the UN can have detrimental rather than positive institutional effects. The article also invites feminist NGOs to be more aware of the political dynamic that now entraps them, and to tailor their future strategies accordingly.


1959 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 417-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Triska ◽  
Howard E. Koch

WithinTheLast decade, the United Nations has undergone three modifications which, taken separately, are quite significant; together, they represent a true metagenesis of the Organization.The first modification paralleled a development which had occurred in the League of Nations: both organizations were designed to be led, if not controlled, by the powerful members permanently seated in the League's Council and the United Nations' Security Council. In both organizations, however, the less powerful member states, in spite of the constitutional provisions, have persisted in endeavoring to assert themselves and have sought in numbers a balance to, and — whenever feasible — a substitute for, the authority lodged with the few strongest nations. The ultimate acquisition of prestige by the Assembly of the League of Nations was their success.


Born in 1945, the United Nations (UN) came to life in the Arab world. It was there that the UN dealt with early diplomatic challenges that helped shape its institutions such as peacekeeping and political mediation. It was also there that the UN found itself trapped in, and sometimes part of, confounding geopolitical tensions in key international conflicts in the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, such as hostilities between Palestine and Iraq and between Libya and Syria. Much has changed over the past seven decades, but what has not changed is the central role played by the UN. This book's claim is that the UN is a constant site of struggle in the Arab world and equally that the Arab world serves as a location for the UN to define itself against the shifting politics of its age. Looking at the UN from the standpoint of the Arab world, this volume includes chapters on the potential and the problems of a UN that is framed by both the promises of its Charter and the contradictions of its member states.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6382
Author(s):  
Harald Heinrichs ◽  
Norman Laws

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, with its 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), was agreed upon by 193 member states of the United Nations in September 2015 [...]


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-360

The primary difficulty in the current question of the representation of Member States in die United Nations is that this question of representation has been linked up with the question of recognition by Member Governments.It will be shown here that this linkage is unfortunate from the practical standpoint, and wrong from the standpoint of legal theory.


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