scholarly journals Competing Powers

2021 ◽  
pp. 183-210
Author(s):  
Daniela Russ ◽  
Thomas Turnbull

The interwar years saw the rise of debates and comparisons around the growth and efficiency of national power economies. The article interprets this 'energetic productivism' in terms of indirect geopolitical competition. While this form of competition clearly did not rule out national conflicts over resources and territories, it created a new medium--the national power economy--via which supremacy could be asserted. The article outlines the roots of energetic productivism in the 19th century and shows how it related to imperial competition around the turn of the century. It presents two forms of energetic productivism that emerged out of two distinct nation states, Great Britain and the Soviet Union. On the basis of these examples, the article argues that 'power competition' was wedded to two wider political conflicts. The first was between Great Britain and 'rising' rival powers whose ascendence was beginning to end its industrial and political hegemony. The second power competition occurred between the Soviet Union and the capitalist countries whom this experimental new polity sought to supersede. The article concludes by contrasting these two iterations of energetic productivism with a more well-known formulation of energetic statehood proposed in the US in the 1930s.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela Russ ◽  
Thomas Turnbull

The interwar years saw the rise of debates and comparisons around the growth and efficiency of national power economies. The article interprets this 'energetic productivism' in terms of indirect geopolitical competition. While this form of competition clearly did not rule out national conflicts over resources and territories, it created a new medium––the national power economy––via which supremacy could be asserted. The article outlines the roots of energetic productivism in the 19th century and shows how it related to imperial competition around the turn of the century. It presents two forms of energetic productivism that emerged out of two distinct nation states, Great Britain and the Soviet Union. On the basis of these examples, the article argues that ‘power competition’ was wedded to two wider political conflicts. The first was between Great Britain and ‘rising’ rival powers whose ascendence was beginning to end its industrial and political hegemony. The second power competition occurred between the Soviet Union and the capitalist countries whom this experimental new polity sought to supersede. The article concludes by contrasting these two iterations of energetic productivism with a more well-known formulation of energetic statehood proposed in the US in the 1930s.


Author(s):  
Amin Tarzi

Since its inception as a separate political entity in 1747, Afghanistan has been embroiled in almost perpetual warfare, but it has never been ruled directly by the military. From initial expansionist military campaigns to involvement in defensive, civil, and internal consolidation campaigns, the Afghan military until the mid-19th century remained mainly a combination of tribal forces and smaller organized units. The central government, however, could only gain tenuous monopoly over the use of violence throughout the country by the end of the 19th century. The military as well as Afghan society remained largely illiterate and generally isolated from the prevailing global political and ideological trends until the middle of the 20th century. Politicization of Afghanistan’s military began in very small numbers after World War II with Soviet-inspired communism gaining the largest foothold. Officers associated with the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan were instrumental in two successful coup d’états in the country. In 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan, ending the country’s sovereignty and ushering a period of conflict that continues to the second decade of the 21st century in varying degrees. In 2001, the United States led an international invasion of the country, catalyzing efforts at reorganization of the smaller professional Afghan national defense forces that have remained largely apolitical and also the country’s most effective and trusted governmental institution.


1990 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 379-418 ◽  

Juda Hirsch Quastel, who contributed for more than 60 years to the growth of biochemistry, was born in Sheffield, in a room over his father’s rented sweet shop on the Ecclesall Road. The date was 2 October 1899, and his parents, Jonas and Flora (Itcovitz) Quastel, had lived in England for only a few years. They had emigrated separately from the city of Tamopol in eastern Galicia, which was then within the Austro-Hungarian Empire; it has since, after a period under Polish rule, become part of the Ukrainian Republic of the Soviet Union. Tamopol at the end of the 19th century was a city of some 30 000 and the centre of an agricultural district. Its inhabitants were ethnically mixed, but about half of them were Jews, many of whom under the relatively benevolent Austrian regime were fairly prosperous. Quastel used to recall how his father and grandfather had held the Emperor Franz Joseph in great respect. His grandfather, also Juda Hirsch (married to Yetta Rappoport), had at one time worked as a chemist in a brewery laboratory in Tamopol. The parents of the subject of this biography had been in commerce there, and were not poor; but today’s family members know little about the life of Jonas and Flora in Tamopol, or about the reasons that persuaded them, like many of their neighbours, to emigrate to the West. An uncle had already gone to England, and perhaps had encouraged them to follow because of the greater opportunities. In England they lived at first in London’s east end, where they worked in garment factories; but their move to Sheffield, and to Jonas’s modest entrepreneurship, had been completed in the late 1890s. It was there that Juda Hirsch and his four younger siblings (Charles, Doris, Hetty and Anne) were born.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Ewa Kozerska ◽  
Tomasz Scheffler

Edward Muszalski’s Idea of National Private LawSummary The paper presents the views of Polish lawyer Edward Muszalski on the state of private law in Europe and Poland of the interwar period and his proposals for changes. Muszalski assumed that the law was shaped by two schools of thought : liberal and socialist. In the 18th and 19th century the liberal school dominated, the result of which was the creation of the Napoleonic Code and the BGB. In the 19th century, socialism also influenced the law, which resulted in the creation of labor legislation and trade unions. In the 20th century, the bad qualities of both schools came together in the law of the Soviet Union. However it was possible to combine the good qualities of liberal and socialist law by assuming that the fundamental category of private law is the nation. According to Muszalski, national private law assumes, among others, the dominance of common law over statues, limitation of property rights, strengthening of family stability, limiting rights of will making and abandoning the principle of the will of the parties as the basis for interpreting contracts. Attempts to create national private law were made in Germany under the rule of Hitler and in Italy under the rule of Mussolini. However in both cases full-range law reforms failed, and in both countries private law remains liberal.


Author(s):  
William Wood

The Khanate of Khiva, one of the Uzbek khanates of Central Asia, refers to a political entity in the region of Khorezm from the early 16th century until 1920. The term itself, which was not used by locals who instead used the name vilayet Khwārazm (“country of Khwārazm”), dates from 18th-century Russian usage. Khorezm is an ancient center of sedentary civilization with a distinct culture and history that came under Uzbek rule as the latter migrated southward from their pasturelands on the steppe beginning in the early 16th century. In contrast to the related dynasties in Transoxiana, the Khanate of Khiva retained a greater degree of pastoralism, though the state was still fundamentally built on sedentary agriculture. Though no doubt affected by historical variations in the volume and routes of the overland caravan trade, Khiva remained a key center for transregional trade throughout its history, especially with the growing Russia Empire to the north. Political structures in Khiva remained weak and decentralized until the 19th century, when the Qongrat dynasty succeeded in transforming the khanate into the most centralized state in the region. Among the legacies of the khanate is its promotion of a distinctive Turkic literary culture, which interacted fruitfully with the dominant Persian culture of neighboring regions. As with other states in Central Asia, by the second half of the 19th century Khiva became a target of the expanding Russian Empire, which conquered Khorezm in 1873. While the tsarist state initially preserved a portion of the khanate under Qongrat rule as a protectorate, after the Bolshevik Revolution this state was soon dissolved and absorbed into the Soviet Union.


Author(s):  
Alžběta Filipová

The following paper traces the origins and increased interest in the cultural heritage of Georgia on behalf of the local intelligentsia in the 19th century. After describing the circumstances that may have led the new generation of Georgian scholars to a systematic exploration of ancient remains in the Caucasus and medieval ecclesiastical monuments and treasuries, the paper will focus on the main archaeologists of Christian antiquity in Georgia, Dimitri Bakradze and Ekvtime Taqaishvili. Finally, the study outlines the creation of what has been called the Georgian National Treasure. The treasure items, collected from monasteries and settlements all over Georgia and protected from robberies and impetuous art collectors, were sent into exile in 1921, shortly before the short-lived Georgian Democratic Republic’s annexation to the Soviet Union. The thirty-nine boxes, containing manuscripts, icons, precious liturgical vessels and other priceless items, were sent from Batumi to Marseille, via Istanbul, and stored in France until 1945, when Ekvtime Taqaishvili, who had taken care of and protected them over those 24 years, accompanied them back to Tbilisi.


Author(s):  
A. N. Meshcheryakov

The word “samurai” firmly rooted in the modern Russian language, along with Fujiyama, geisha and sakura. Though obviously this was not always the case. This article traces the initial process of perceiving the concept of samurai in pre-revolutionary Russia and the Soviet Union: from the 1890s, from the first military victories of rapidly modernizing Japan, to the RussoJapanese War and further to the beginning of the Second World War. Initially endowed with features of “childishness” or “femininity,” gentleness and grace, the image of Japan is gradually becoming “masculine” and is increasingly associated with the concept of “samurai.” At first, this concept is related to such qualities as belligerence and cruelty but also loyalty to lord and “knightly” honor. Often, following Nitobe Inazo, the best qualities of the Japanese are generally traced back to the samurai tradition. Later, the Japanese appear in an increasingly caricature form, as greedy but powerless aggressors. At first, this image is not associated with the concept of “samurai” but by the 1930s fused with it. At the same time, Soviet authors criticize the “feminine” perception of Japan – they describe both the ruling exploiter and the exploited worker with “masculine” traits. The article examines the early Japanese borrowings in Russian dictionaries of foreign words, the images of the Japanese in the writings of Russian and Soviet writers, the characteristics of the country and its inhabitants in popular editions devoted to Japan as well as in propaganda texts and pictures.


Author(s):  
Thekla Musäus

The Children of the Sweet South in the Northern Land of Death. On the Opposition of North and South in Russian Literature from Romanticism up to Socialist Realism The starting point of the article is the semiotic theory of culturally coherent “semio-spheres”. The analysis focusses on the changing pictures of the northern parts of the Russian cultural area – Siberia, Karelia, and, in the 19th century, also Finland – in the works of Russian writers from Romanticism into the middle of the 20th century. The traditional juxtaposition of ‘north’ and ‘south’ as cultural, climatic and emotional opposites in Romanticism was inspired in part by admiration for Scandinavian sagas and landscapes. The European idealisation of the South was still valid in the poems of the Russian Romanticism. Embedded into the pictures of a wild and untouched northern nature was the ideal of a simple, rural society and the romantic imagery of the lonesome hero. In the Russian literature of the second half of the 19th century ‘north’ became an emotional centre in opposition to a spoiled, western cultural centre. Nevertheless, the Russian and Ukrainian South continued to be a place of longing for the imprisoned or exiled heroes in the hostile North. In Soviet literature, the communist project to improve the social situation of the toiling masses around the world led to a missionary’s attitude toward the outskirts of the Soviet Union. Russian heroes did not only bring civilisation to the uneducated Northern aborigines but by cultivating the harsh land they also added more civilized Southern nature to the Northern landscape.


Author(s):  
Bipin K. Tiwary ◽  
Anubhav Roy

Having fought its third war and staring at food shortages, independent India needed to get its act together both militarily and economically by the mid-1960s. With the United States revoking its military assistance and delaying its food aid despite New Delhi’s devaluation of the rupee, India’s newly elected Indira Gandhi government turned to deepen its ties with the Soviet Union in 1966 with the aim of balancing the United States internally through a rearmament campaign and externally through a formal alliance with Moscow. The US formation of a triumvirate with Pakistan and China in India’s neighbourhood only bolstered its intent. Yet India consciously limited the extent of both its balancing strategies and allowed adequate space to simultaneously adopt the contradictory sustenance of its complex interdependence with the United States economically. Did this contrasting choice of strategies constitute India’s recourse to hedging after 1966 until 1971, when it liberated Bangladesh by militarily defeating a US-aligned Pakistan? Utilising a historical-evaluative study of archival data and the contents of a few Bollywood films from the period, this paper seeks to address the question by empirically establishing the extents of India’s balancing of, and complex interdependence with, the United States.


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