scholarly journals Combined Effects of Cultural-Linguistic Proximity and Naturalization on Political Integration of First-Generation Immigrants

Author(s):  
Josep Lobera ◽  
Santiago Pérez-Nievas ◽  
José Rama

Although the under-participation of ethnic minorities in the electoral field is frequently observed, the nuances of their political engagement remain relatively unexplored by scholars. Particularly, little empirical analysis has attempted to identify the barriers faced by first-generation immigrants to adopt a party preference in their host country. Drawing on a unique survey data with a large sample of first-generation immigrants (N= 2,648) in a new migration country (Spain), this article explores the relevance of different set of factors (cultural proximity vs immigration status) in explaining the acquisition of a party preference among this minority population. We find that cultural proximity (as defined by the country of origin: Latin-American vs the rest) is a strong predictor for the acquisition of a party preference. Additionally, our results suggest that the predictive strength of this factor is reinforced through a naturalization regime that facilitates full political rights to culturally closer immigrants, thus reinforcing their a priori better conditions for political integration. Finally, the results also suggest that permissive (rather than restrictive) naturalization policies might work better to secure the political integration of migrant minorities.

1969 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-169
Author(s):  
Andrés Dapuez

Latin American cash transfer programs have been implemented aiming at particular anticipatory scenarios. Given that the fulfillment of cash transfer objectives can be calculated neither empirically nor rationally a priori, I analyse these programs in this article using the concept of an “imaginary future.” I posit that cash transfer implementers in Latin America have entertained three main fictional expectations: social pacification in the short term, market inclusion in the long term, and the construction of a more distributive society in the very long term. I classify and date these developing expectations into three waves of conditional cash transfers implementation.


Breast Care ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Elna Kuehnle ◽  
Wulf Siggelkow ◽  
Kristina Luebbe ◽  
Iris Schrader ◽  
Karl-Heinz Noeding ◽  
...  

<b><i>Background:</i></b> Although immigrant health is an important issue in national health policy, there is a serious shortage of data in many countries. Most studies lack information on educational status, which is a major limitation. This prospective cross-sectional study analyzed a real-world breast cancer population on the influence of immigration background and educational status on participation in breast cancer early detection programs in the federal state of Lower Saxony, Germany. <b><i>Methods:</i></b> Data collection was conducted from 2012 to 2016 in six certified breast cancer centers using a standardized questionnaire for patients’ interview and tumor-specific data from the patients’ medical records. <b><i>Results:</i></b> 2,145/3,047 primary breast cancer cases were analyzed. 17.5% of our patients had a history of immigration, including <i>n</i> = 202 first-generation immigrants and <i>n</i> = 168 second-generation immigrants. Most of them were citizens of EU27 member states. No significant difference was seen in age, tumor stage, histology, grading, Ki-67, Her2/neu-status, and hormone receptor status compared to the native cohort. 100% participation rate in the breast cancer early detection programs were seen in patients with no school graduation. With regards to the national mammography screening program, participation decreased significantly with educational status (<i>p</i> = 0.0003). <b><i>Conclusions:</i></b> No tumor biological differences were seen between immigrants and German natives. In first-generation immigrants, early detection programs were well accepted despite sociocultural and language differences. Participation rate decreased significantly with higher education levels irrespective of country of origin. Immigration background does not have a negative effect on the participation in breast cancer screening. This mainly relates to immigrants from EU27 member states.


Author(s):  
James Fowkes

Abstract A common skeptical view holds that socioeconomic rights are a different kind of right than civil-political rights. Even those who support justiciable socioeconomic rights often see them as a different kind of right with special challenges. I argue that this view is wrong. What all these observers are reacting to is not an inherent property of socioeconomic rights: it is a contingent property of a situation in which judges are asked to enforce a rights claim without a pre-existing set of familiar public understandings of the right’s content and/or an existing structure of officials and procedures to give effect to that content. It is because the rights claim is new, and this is something that can be, and often is, true of rights across the spectrum. Any rights claim is problematic to enforce to the degree that it is new, but these obstacles can and do disappear if society changes and the claim becomes less new. In the first part of the Article, I seek to establish the accuracy of this argument, drawing on examples of rights distinctions from the nineteenth-century United States and rights across the spectrum displaying newness in contemporary South Africa and India. I then show how controlling for newness can help us to understand standard features of the socioeconomic rights debate: the ubiquitous, but misleading, negative–positive distinction; arguments about resources; Fuller’s endlessly cited polycentricity argument; and current controversial cases, such as the budget-shifting judicial enforcement of Latin American healthcare entitlements. These topics are central to our widespread intuition that socioeconomic rights are different; newness can help us to see that this intuition is misleading us, and by recalibrating the debate can filter out some distractions that have long dogged it.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (83) ◽  
pp. 580-599
Author(s):  
Pedro Luiz Costa Cavalcante

Abstract The 1988 federal Constitution introduced a complex and innovative institutional arrangement that not only reestablished political rights and democratic procedures, but also reinforced decentralization as a fundamental guideline for policy implementation in Brazil. As a result, municipalities have become pivotal actors in the policymaking process. Scholars of Latin American politics have given much emphasis to the causes and determinants of decentralization, but not much has been done toward a more general understanding of how this increased decentralization has affected policymaker behavior and policy outcomes. This paper aims to do exactly that. Specifically, it investigates how institutional arrangements and electoral competition affect local government performance. The theoretical basis is the electoral democratic theory that broadly highlights elections as instruments of citizen control in retrospective and prospective voting approaches. The research employs a large-N cross sub-national analysis based on a dataset of electoral, partisan, socioeconomic and public financial information collected from over 5500 municipalities. Local governments’ performance, our dependent variables, are synthetic indicators formulated from 2009 nationwide surveys on public education, health, housing and welfare services. The OLS regression results confirm the hypothesis that politics variables do matter in how politicians make decisions and implement policy under the new Brazilian democratic Era. The empirical evidences suggest that electoral competition does not present a direct effect on government performance, however, ideology and citizen participation do. Therefore, this paper helps to expand our understanding of a political system’s impact on public policy outputs, which is extremely important not only for academic purpose but also to support policymakers’ decisions.


2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Alexandre Peñalver i Cabré

Human Right to Environment is one the most relevant Third Generation Human Rights which includes new universal needs arisen from the last third of 20th century. These new human rights add as an additional layer to the First Generation Human Rights (civil and political rights from the end of 18th century) and to the Second Generation Human Rights (economic, social and cultural rights from 19th century).


2001 ◽  
Vol 22 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 39-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leif Husted ◽  
Helena Skyt Nielsen ◽  
Michael Rosholm ◽  
Nina Smith

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Luicy Pedroza

In comparison to other countries in the Latin American region, especially in Central America, support for democracy in Costa Rica is high –despite ups and downs in recent years. Still, regarding the challenges that immigration poses for the principles of democratic inclusion and representation, Costa Rica lag behind 11 countries in Latin America –and 35 democracies in the world– where immigrant residents have the right to vote in local elections. In Chile and Uruguay, the only countries in the region where support for democracy tops that observed in Costa Rica, the right to vote of immigrant residents even reaches national elections. With such a comparative background, this article addresses the question: how to explain that this democracy ignores the tendency to give the right to vote to resident migrants? The study reveals a society in which the narrative of exceptionality with respect to other countries of the continent and the formal primacy of nationality to political citizenship, allow tolerating a clear inequality between the political rights of emigrants and immigrants.


2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (12) ◽  
pp. 1917-1927 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naoko Ide ◽  
Kairi Kõlves ◽  
Maria Cassaniti ◽  
Diego De Leo

Author(s):  
A. Stefanie Ruiz ◽  
Lili Wang ◽  
Femida Handy

This study investigates the association between the integration of first-generation immigrants and their volunteering. Using data from a Canadian national survey, we examine three dimensions of immigrant integration: professional, psychosocial and political. General volunteering is not significantly related to integration; however, there exists a relationship between the different dimensions of integration and where immigrants choose to volunteer. Thus, the relationship between the type and degree of immigrant integration and volunteering is nuanced; it matters where volunteering occurs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 238-251
Author(s):  
Daisy Jauregui ◽  
Nataria T. Joseph ◽  
Elizabeth J. Krumrei-Mancuso

The current study examined the immediate impact of exposure to anti-immigration sentiments on the psychological well-being of Latinx young adults. A quasiexperimental, mixed-factorial design was used to analyze differences in mood, stress, ethnic identification, and motivation to take action after exposure to a video stressor across four groups: immigrants from Latin America, first-generation Latinx Americans, second-generation and up Latinx Americans, and non-Latinx, nonimmigrant, White Americans. Three hundred forty participants, ages 18–30, were randomly assigned to either an experimental condition involving an anti-immigration video or a control condition involving a multivitamin video. As hypothesized, those who viewed the anti-immigration video exhibited significantly higher levels of negative affect (p < .001; ηp2 =.06), stress (p < .001; ηp2 =.04), and motivation to take action (p < .001; ηp2 =.07) than those who viewed the multivitamin video. Additionally, Ethnicity/Generation American was associated with higher negative affect (p < .001, ηp2 =.06), stress (p = .01, ηp2 =.04), and motivation to take action (p < .001, ηp2 =.10) after video viewings, such that immigrants from Latin American countries and first-generation Latinx Americans tended to have greater levels than the other groups (pairwise comparison ps < .05). Contrary to our hypothesis, results indicated that firstgeneration Latinx Americans (p = .01) and non-Latinx, nonimmigrant participants (p < .001) experienced a significant decrease in ethnic identification after viewing the anti-immigration video. Our results indicate that, across the differing Ethnicities/Generations American, participants are impacted by anti-immigration sentiments in the media.


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