Issues and Challenges of the North Korean Migrant Department Ministry in the Church: Based on Missional Ecclesiology and the Contact Hypothesis

2021 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 135-165
Author(s):  
Eui-Hyuck Kim ◽  
Archaeologia ◽  
1779 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 95-97
Author(s):  
Pegge

Rudston, a village in the East-Riding of Yorkshire, on the Wolds, near Burlington, is thus noticed in bishop Gibson's edition of Camden, col. 901. “More inward into the “land, is Ruston, where, in the church-yard, is a kind of “pyramidal stone of great height. Whether the name of the “town may not have some relation to it, can be known only “from the private history of the place; but if the stone bear “any resemblance to a cross, rod in Saxon doth imply so much.” This cross, as the bishop calls it, and I think not improperly, is a very curious monument; and, no doubt, of very remote antiquity. I am not aware that it has ever been engraved, and therefore I here present the Society with an accurate drawing* of it, which I received A. 1769, from the friendly hand of Mr. Willan, whose account I shall take the liberty to subjoin. “This stone stands about four yards from the North East “corner of Rudston church, which is situated on a high hill. “Its depth under ground equal to its height above, as appeared “from an experiment made by the late Sir William Strickland. “All the four sides are a little convex, and the whole covered “with moss. No tradition in this country of any authorrity, either concerning the time, manner, or occasion of its “erection.”


2002 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 858-864 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Hollinger

If we are going to explain the slow pace of de-Christianization for the United States relative to other industrialized societies in the North Atlantic West, we might well begin with the church-state relationship. The absence of an established church in the United States has enabled religious affiliation to function, like other voluntary organizations in “civil society,” as mediators between the individual and the nation. I conimented on this rather old idea in a book C. John Sommerville is kind enough to cite in another connection, Science, Jews, and Secular Culture, but since he does not take up this point, I will develop it a bit further here, before reacting to Sommerville's other concerns as expressed in his refreshingly fair-minded rejoinder to my essay in the March 2001 issue of Church History.


Slovene ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 136-178
Author(s):  
Pasko Kuzman

Among the activities of St. Clement of Ohrid was the construction of the church and monastery in Ohrid, which was carried out at the end of the 9th century at the location where some Byzantine basilicas had stood previously. As findings of archaeological excavations have shown, St. Clement first built a small triconch church at the location of the ruined basilica. This triconchos was later expanded by the addition of a capacious “pronaos” in inscribed-cross form, where St. Clement was interred. This “pronaos” was characterized by entrances on the north and south sides that were identical to those of the inscribed-cross church that existed near the village of Velcë along the Šušica River (in southern Albania) at the turn of the 9th‒10th century. During the tenure of Archbishop Dmitrios Chomatianos (1216–1236), the “pronaos” was replaced with a new church into which the relics of St. Clement were placed. In the Ottoman period, the Church and Monastery of St. Clement were disassembled to build a mosque. At the very beginning of the 10th century, the triconchal church in the Monastery of St. Clement served as a model for the church in the Monastery of St. Naum, in the southern part of the Ohrid lake area. The groundwork(s) of a further church in a triconchal shape, whose construction can be traced back to the time of St. Clement, has also been discovered at Gorica, near Ohrid. Ruins of yet another triconchal church which also belongs to the period under review can be found near the village of Zlesti, in the Dolna Debarca region, not far from Ohrid. In the vicinity of the village of Izdeglavje, in the Gorna Debarca region, there is also a church whose establishment is related to the activity of St. Clement of Ohrid as well.


Zograf ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Marka Tomic-Djuric

This paper presents and interprets the iconographic programme of the frescoes in the lowest register of the sanctuary in the church of St Demetrios at Markov Manastir in the context of the relationship between mural decoration and the contemporary Eucharistic rite. In the first part of the paper special attention is paid to the scene in the north pastophorion, which illustrates the prothesis rite, and the depiction of the Great Entrance, placed in the sanctuary apse. The iconographic and programmatic features of the fresco ensemble, the most pominent place among which is occupied by the representations of the deceased Saviour and Christ the Great Archpriest - are compared to various liturgical sources and visual analogies (monumetal painting and liturgical textiles) in the medieval art of Serbia and Byzantium.


Author(s):  
Anton Zimmerling ◽  
◽  
◽  

I prove that the interpreter of two embassy letters sent from Ivangorod (Jaanilinn) to Moscow in 1505, a certain Dmitry Ščerbaty is identical to the Russian author and diplomat Dmitry Gerasimov. Ščerbaty’s / Gerasimov’s letters have unique features distinguishing them from other embassy letters from the time of Ivan III. The choice of the North-Western dialect form of the 1 Pl. auxiliary есме in the translation of a Latin embassy letter is a footprint of the book author who discard-ed the both the vernacular alternative есмя /есмо as vulgar and the Church Slavonic variant есмы. Evgenij E. Golubin-skij’s conjecture that Gerasimov is mentioned elsewhere in the embassy books as ‘Dmitry Zaecov’ is not justifi ed


Author(s):  
Anthony Roberts

With Turkic and Tajik peoples to the north, Tajiks and Pashtuns in the west, ethnic Hazaras in the central highlands and the Pashtuns to the south and east, Afghanistan’s diversity stems from its history as a regional crossroads. Christianity began in Afghanistan in the fourth century and was later revived by missionaries in the frontier areas, but there was little concerted effort to spread the faith until after 1945, when the Pashtun monarchy sought to modernise Afghanistan. However, the Soviet invasion prompted fighters to repel the forces under the banner of Islam. Amidst a civil war, Christian NGO’s continued until expelled by the Taliban in 2001. The new government allowed Christian NGO’s to expand into new areas of the country. For the sake of believers’ security the most visible fellowships have been limited to foreigners. Most find it difficult to sustain everyday life in the country while openly professing Christianity due to ostracism from society. While Islam has been linked with Afghan identity, worldview has begun to change. Unfortunately, there has been an exodus of Afghan believers, usually after social and legal ostracism. Nevertheless, due to sacrifices by Afghan believers, the church is growing in numbers despite all the challenges.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135-149
Author(s):  
Francis J. Bremer

During the 1620s the colony faced various challenges, some centering on a settlement to the north that came to be dominated by Thomas Morton. Morton was accused of selling guns and liquor to Natives and carrying on revels around a maypole he had erected. Plymouth sent Myles Standish and a small armed force to arrest Morton, and they sent him back to England. In 1628 the first settlers of what was to be the Massachusetts Bay Colony arrived in Salem. These puritans were not separatists but turned to Plymouth for advice on how to organize their religious life. Samuel Fuller, Plymouth’s physician and a deacon of the church, visited Salem to aid those suffering from scurvy, but also persuaded John Endecott, the settlement’s leader, of the congregational principles on which the Plymouth congregation was based. The Salem settlers thereafter drew up their own covenant and subsequently chose their own ministers.


Author(s):  
Dora P. Crouch

The arrangements made in ancient cities for the management and use of water varied over the extent of the Greek world, depending on local topography and geology. They also varied by time period. In the absence of detailed whole-site studies, we can no more than suggest some of those differences. Our method will be to examine one early city and one late, looking for similarities and differences. The chosen examples share the useful (for us) feature of having been destroyed, so that their ruins preserve a set of arrangements not diluted by later habitation. The examples chosen are Olynthos in northeast Greece, destroyed at the end of the fourth century B.C., and Pompeii near Naples in southern Italy, destroyed in A.D. 79. A description of each will point out features that are typical for that time period, and we will conclude with a direct comparison of the two water management systems. Olynthos (Fig. 13.1) is located in northeastern Greece, at the base of the left peninsula of the set of three which also includes Mount Athos. Geological maps of the area (Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration, “Geology of Greece” series (1:50,000), Athens, Greece, ca. 1984) show that a large limestone massif terminates just to the north of the site, and could be tapped for its karst waters. Indeed, a pipeline was found coming southward for five miles (D.M. Robinson, 1935, 219 ff and fig. 12; Robinson and Clement, 1938), from the springs near Polygyros and from northeast of the church of Hagios Nicolas. More traces of the line were observed in the plain. In Volume II of the Olynthos excavation reports (Robinson, 1930, 12), the line is thought to be sixth century because of some fragments of black-figure vases found with it in the dig, yet in Volume XII this aqueduct was declared fifth or fourth century because of its beautifully cemented joints with mortar of pure lime with a little silica (Robinson, 1946, 107). The line is described as having pipes about 3 inches thick (.45 centimeters), and therefore is probably a pressure pipe.


Archaeologia ◽  
1885 ◽  
Vol 49 (01) ◽  
pp. 199-212
Author(s):  
John Green Waller

The Series of Paintings on the vault of the apse to the north aisle of St. Mary's Church, Guildford, unlike so many which have exercised our attention for a long time past, are of no new discovery, but were disclosed as far back as 1825. In 1838, they were described, and a solution proposed by my old friends, Edward John Carlos and John Gough Nichols, in theArchaeologia, vol. XXVII. p. 413. There are no two names which recall to me more reverent associations than those of the friends I have mentioned. Mr. Carlos was my master in archaeology, and Mr. Nichols's services are well known to this Society. But at the time they wrote little or nothing was known of the popular religious art of the Middle Ages. Didron had but begun his researches, and Maury had not written at all; whilst, in this country, whitewash still covered most of the walls of our churches. Therefore it is not a matter of surprise that their attempted solution is inaccurate, nor have those who have followed them been more fortunate. Guesses have been vaguely made, always an unsure process, for there is nothing more likely to deceive than attempts to find out the meaning of a subject without any principle to go upon: it is like a voyage upon an unknown sea, without rudder or compass. In fact, the subjects I am about to explain, are exceedingly obscure until the clue is obtained; and, at one time, I feared I must have confessed my ignorance, though not admitting the accuracy of the solution given by my friends. They are unique to my experience, and especially curious in the manner in which they are associated together.


PMLA ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 126 (3) ◽  
pp. 685-692
Author(s):  
Nguyễn-Võ Thu-Hương

Whoever goes down to Bà Ria and happens by the cemetery in the sand at the village of Phu'ó'c Lě, I beg you to go in that cemetery and look for the grave with a cross painted half black, half white, by the side of the Church of Martyrs–to visit that grave lest it become pitiful. Because it has been two years since anyone visited or cast as much as a glance.—Nguyễn Trong QuanSO opens nguyễn trọng quản's thẩy lazaro phiển (“lazaro phiển” 22). The narrative begins at an obscure gravesite evokes the life of a man as both victim of state violence and perpetrator of private deaths. Lazaro Phiển is a ictional work written in the romanized script and was published in Saigon in 1887 in a novelistic format almost forty years before Hoàng Ngọc Phách's Tố Tâm. Yet the latter, published in Hanoi in 1925, is oten touted in official literary history as the first modern Vietnamese novel. Although Nguyễn Trọng Qu.n's narrative revolves around the recovery of an elided story, the author could not have anticipated the elision of his work from a nationalist literary genealogy that locates the origin of modern Vietnamese literature in the North. he elision was part of a general omission of works from the South in the last decades of the nineteenth century and irst two decades of the twentieth. his genealogy was by no means limited to the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in the North but was also perpetuated in the Republic of Vietnam in the South ater independence and the partitioning of the country into North and South in 1954


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