scholarly journals Legislating education policy and equity at the ballot box: A descriptive analysis of the prevalence and content of education ballot initiatives over time

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Amy N. Farley

Political scientists have long studied the use of direct democratic ballot initiatives—proposed directly by citizens and put before a statewide vote—as currently allowed in 24 U.S. states. Despite the application of ballot initiatives to legislate education policy, however, education scholars have not yet adequately investigated this phenomenon within American public education. In a comprehensive analysis of state-level direct democracy in education, this article examines the content and prevalence of education ballot initiatives used to shaped U.S. education policy over time. Analyses suggest voters have considered 282 ballot initiatives regarding a variety of education issues, including those related to both K-12 and higher education and addressing policy issues related to finance, governance, and civil rights and equal opportunity. Further, the prevalence of education initiatives has increased and their content has evolved over time, particularly with the advent of, and increase in, initiatives seeking to limit the rights and opportunities of traditionally underrepresented students. These findings contribute to scholarship regarding state-level education policymaking in general, and call on researchers to consider further the benefits and potentially negative consequences of direct democracy as an education policymaking tool, particularly for minoritized students.

2020 ◽  
pp. 001312452093145
Author(s):  
Amy N. Farley

States have increasingly used ballot initiatives to legislate education policy in recent years, although the consequences for educational equity and justice have been underexamined. This article investigates the extent to which ballot initiatives disproportionately affect traditionally minoritized students, with particular attention to two phenomena: tyranny of the majority and racial threat hypothesis. Results across models consistently find that minority-targeted education initiatives pass at significantly higher rates than those that do not target minoritized students, and they garner considerably more yes votes regardless of passage. For states with more people of color, this effect is magnified, suggesting the potential for tyranny of the majority may increase when there are greater proportions of people of color within a state. This research contributes to the body of literature regarding the impact of state-level policy on education and sheds light on the benefits and potentially negative consequences of the ballot initiative process as an education policy making tool, particularly for our nation’s most disadvantaged students.


2008 ◽  
Vol 78 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHELE MOSES ◽  
LAUREN SAENZ

In this article, Michele Moses and Lauren Saenz explore a growing trend in education policymaking — the ballot initiative. Specifically, the authors question whether information presented to voters is sufficiently substantive to permit educated decisionmaking about influential policies. Their study, a content analysis of print news media related to the 2006 Michigan Civil Rights Initiative, shows that coverage of this initiative was largely superficial, documenting procedural or topical matters rather than addressing the deeper moral, practical, and historical issues involved. These results, they argue, highlight the important role that mass media should play in a direct democracy, currently an overlooked responsibility. Moses and Saenz end with an appeal to education researchers to monitor the media coverage of education policy debates and, upon finding insubstantial coverage, to present an alternative that is meaningful and accessible to the general public.


Author(s):  
F. Chris Curran

Student safety represents an important goal for schools; however, policies designed to facilitate school safety may have unintended negative consequences. Zero tolerance policies, those that mandate severe punitive measures, have been widely implemented by school leaders over the last several decades; however, recent research suggests that such policies may contribute to racial disparities in the use of discipline. This chapter reviews the history of zero tolerance policies in schools and, through descriptive analysis of data from the Civil Rights Data Collection of 2011-2012, documents racial disparities in the use of expulsions. Findings suggest that while zero tolerance policies may contribute to such disparities, the racial disparities are more pronounced for non-zero tolerance expulsions. Implications for policy and practice are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-445
Author(s):  
Kenneth K Wong

Abstract Since the 1960s, U.S. presidents have used their executive, administrative, and political power to pursue policy goals in elementary and secondary education. This article analyzes the K-12 education policy strategies pursued during the first three years of the Donald Trump presidency, focusing on two main aspects of Trump’s approach to education policy. First, I analyze Trump’s heavy reliance on executive and administrative tools and his use of these tools to promote state flexibility, diminish federal direction on civil rights issues, and expand private and public school choice. Second, I examine the Trump administration’s approach to implementing the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015 (ESSA), especially in reviewing state plans pursuant to the ESSA. The administration took a highly deferential approach as states sought approval for their ESSA plans and in a way that suggests the Trump presidency is shifting federal involvement in K-12 education policy away from prioritizing equity and oversight.


2016 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 315-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Perry A. Zirkel

This update of the legislation/regulations and case law specific to pre-K–12 gifted students since a cluster of publications in 2004–2005 primarily focuses on the “gifted alone” category, with only secondary attention to twice-exceptional and other students in the “gifted plus” category. For the gifted-alone category, the legislation and regulations during the most recent 11 years continue to be at the state level, rather than federal level, with a net change amounting to moderate strengthening, primarily in terms of the group, rather than Individuals With Disabilities Education Act (IDEA)–type, model. The corresponding case law remains very limited in both frequency and pro-plaintiff outcomes, with most of the cases arising in Pennsylvania. The gifted-plus category accounts for far more litigation, fueled by the intersecting federal civil rights laws that are pivotal in these cases. Yet, their outcomes, for a variety of issues that extend well beyond eligibility and free appropriate public education, have also reflected a pro-district skew.


2017 ◽  
pp. 1251-1266 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Chris Curran

Student safety represents an important goal for schools; however, policies designed to facilitate school safety may have unintended negative consequences. Zero tolerance policies, those that mandate severe punitive measures, have been widely implemented by school leaders over the last several decades; however, recent research suggests that such policies may contribute to racial disparities in the use of discipline. This chapter reviews the history of zero tolerance policies in schools and, through descriptive analysis of data from the Civil Rights Data Collection of 2011-2012, documents racial disparities in the use of expulsions. Findings suggest that while zero tolerance policies may contribute to such disparities, the racial disparities are more pronounced for non-zero tolerance expulsions. Implications for policy and practice are discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 109 ◽  
pp. 166-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl David Boulware ◽  
Kenneth N. Kuttner

This paper's goal is to determine whether the degree of labor market tightness affects the frequency of discrimination charges. State-level panel data on enforcement and litigation actions from the US Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, along with disaggregated labor market statistics, allow us to assess the effects of labor market conditions on discrimination based on race or ethnicity, and how these effects vary across states and over time. Our findings have implications for how macroeconomic policies might be used to promote equal opportunity in the labor market.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Cardichon ◽  
Linda Darling-Hammond

This article takes a careful look at political and policy tools that presidential administrations have at their disposal for ameliorating educational inequalities. These tools, the authors suggest, include issuing federal guidance that informs and supports states and districts as they work to implement policies and practices that comply with federal law. However, as the authors point out, the extent to which administrations have chosen to leverage these opportunities to advance educational equity has varied over time.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-195
Author(s):  
Shirley A. Jackson

In 2017, Oregon passed House Bill 2845 requiring Ethnic Studies curriculum in grades K–12. It was the first state in the nation to do so. The bill passed almost fifty years after the founding of the country’s first Ethnic Studies department. The passage of an Ethnic Studies bill in a state that once banned African Americans and removed Indigenous peoples from their land requires further examination. In addition, the bill mandates that Ethnic Studies curriculum in Oregon's schools includes “social minorities,” such as Jewish and LGBTQ+ populations which makes the bill even more remarkable. As such, it is conceivable for some observers, a watered-down version of its perceived original intent—one that focuses on racial and ethnic minorities. Similarly, one can draw analogies to the revision of the Civil Rights Bill of 1964 when it included women as a protected group. Grounded in a socio-political history that otherwise would not have been included, this essay examines the productive and challenging aspect of HB 2845. Framing the bill so it includes racial, ethnic, and social minorities solved the problem of a host of bills that may not have passed on their own merit while simultaneously and ironically making it easier to pass similar bills.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document