scholarly journals Scenarios of a turbulent Brexit

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-352
Author(s):  
Margarita Navarro-Pabsdorf ◽  
Eduardo Cuenca-García ◽  
Angela Andrea Caviedes

The decision made by the United Kingdom to leave the European Union has been one of the most delicate moments in the history of the European integration project. Given the difficulties of doing other types of evaluations at the moment, this work aims to analyze the causes and the process followed, since it is the first time that a member country—one of the most prominent ones—takes this path. The conversations carried out for this purpose have posed unanswered questions of economic, political, and social nature about how to carry out this order successfully; this has raised serious doubts about its advantages, which were discussed at the time of voting for the exit from the European Union. This situation has created a climate of distrust between European and British citizens regarding their politicians, as it is not very clear if the latter are really defending the interests of the country or others.

Author(s):  
Oleksandra Hissа-Ivanovych ◽  
Yana Kybich

Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union is an extraordinary event in the history of the EU and the European continent as a whole. For the first time since the Union’s existence, one of the member states is leaving it. Of course, this situation has caused a significant resonance in the world community, because the question of the consequences that may arise as a result of such an event has become acute. It is clear that Brexit will not only provoke changes in the economic, political and cultural spheres of the relations between the United Kingdom and the European Union, but may also affect relations with third countries, including Ukraine. This article examines the possible effects of Brexit on the further development of the United Kingdom, on the future of the EU in the context of growing Euroscepticism among member states, and on Britain’s and the European Union’s relations with Ukraine as a country that has clearly declared its pro-European position, and strives to become part of the EU by all means.


2018 ◽  
pp. 39-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Józef M. Fiszer

There is no doubt that Brexit is an unprecedented event in the history of European integration and the European Union (EU). It will certainly be a turning point not only in the history of the EU but also in Germany and France. It will affect their place and role in the new international order that is currently being shaped. Today, however, it is very difficult to present an accurate diagnosis, and even more difficult to predict the future of the EU, Europe and the whole world after Brexit. Currently, the opinions of researchers and experts on this subject are divided. Many fear that Brexit will be the beginning of the end of the EU and that it will lead to so-called diversified integration and then to its disintegration. Others believe that Brexit, nolens volens, may accelerate the EU’s modernisation process. This will require the adoption of a new revision treaty. This treaty will be developed under the dictation of Germany and France, which are the most influential countries in the EU.The purpose of this article is to answer a few questions, particularly what role  Germany and France can and will play in the EU after Brexit. Will these countries  again become the driving force in the process of European integration and the EU’s modernisation, or will they remain passive and contribute to the break-up of the EU? Moreover, the author intends to show the opportunities and threats for the EU  without the United Kingdom, which counterbalanced the influence of Germany and France in Europe.


2021 ◽  
pp. 397-422
Author(s):  
Nigel Foster

The history of the relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union from its beginning has been, if nothing else, a very vacillating one, and even at the beginning, the UK was a ‘reluctant’ partner in the European project. This chapter will outline the changing legal and political relationship before, during, and after ‘Brexit’, as the negotiations for the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union (EU) came to be known. The departure, on 31 January 2020, and complete separation on 31 December 2020, placed the UK as a third country to the EU as regards its new trading relationship, is also considered.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hartanto Hartanto

<p>This article attempts to explain the Brexit phenomenon from the standpoint of international relations. The Brexit referendum is a milestone of the UK that decide to leave from the European Union, which has never been a member country that came out before, of course, provide a very spacious negative and positive impacts for the England, the United Kingdom and of course the rest of the World. England’s choice to withdraw from membership in the European Union of course should be respected, but if the terms of the International Relations science it can be interpreted as a discovery of meaning back from the perspective of realism that has long been considered obsolete and is currently the England prefer to give priority to the country's sovereignty.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Brexit, Referendum, Sovereignty</p>


Author(s):  
Neil Parpworth

This chapter discusses the structure and devolution of the UK. It first sketches the constitutional history of the UK, presenting a brief outline of events that led to the creation of the UK, ie the union of England, Wales, Scotland, and Northern Ireland. The chapter then examines the issue of devolution, which has been particularly important to the people of Scotland and Wales. The key provisions of the devolution legislation enacted in 1998 and more recent legislative developments are reviewed. The chapter concludes by considering the ‘English Question’, and the agreements between the UK Government and the devolved administrations in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, and the devolution provisions in the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-437 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie Louise McCullough

Popular perception has historically constructed the Highlands and Islands of Scotland to be economically and socially backwards in comparison with the rest of the United Kingdom. As evoked in the phrase the ‘Highland Problem’, the area has been considered by outsiders to be beyond help and destined to remain in a state of underdevelopment and chronic depopulation. Despite the history of economic intervention in the area from the late 18th century onwards from private and government initiatives intended to alleviate poverty and bring wealth to the area, it was not until the 1980s with the implementation of sustained and tailored structural assistance from the European Union that emigration slowed and the population of the Highlands and Islands began to grow significantly. This economic success has largely been the result of not only a significant injection of capital but also the willingness of the EU to use local knowledge and collaborate with local agencies. This remarkable development, which is far from over, is being directly threatened by the Brexit phenomenon.


2006 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 705-717
Author(s):  
Elena Katselli

The Republic of Cyprus became independent on 16 August 1960 with the conclusion of three agreements between Cyprus, Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom: the Treaty of Establishment,1 the Treaty of Guarantee,2 and the Treaty of Alliance.3 Due to limited space, this article will not consider the troubled history of the new Republic the structures of which were literally shattered by an unworkable and dysfunctional Constitution a few years only after its establishment and which eventually led to the Turkish invasion and continuing occupation of one third of its territory.4 Rather, this article intends to focus on recent legal developments provoked by Turkey's refusal to recognize the Republic of Cyprus, a Member State of the United Nations and as from May 2004 a Member of the European Union, in the context of Turkey's own aspirations to become an EU Member State.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák

Abstract The paper focuses on the very topical issue of conclusion of the membership of the State, namely the United Kingdom, in European integration structures. The ques­tion of termination of membership in European Communities and European Union has not been tackled for a long time in the sources of European law. With the adop­tion of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), the institute of 'unilateral' withdrawal was intro­duced. It´s worth to say that exit clause was intended as symbolic in its nature, in fact underlining the status of Member States as sovereign entities. That is why this institute is very general and the legal regulation of the exercise of withdrawal contains many gaps. One of them is a question of absolute or relative nature of exiting from integration structures. Today’s “exit clause” (Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union) regulates only the termination of membership in the European Union and is silent on the impact of such a step on membership in the European Atomic Energy Community. The presented paper offers an analysis of different variations of the interpretation and solution of the problem. It´s based on the independent solution thesis and therefore rejects an automa­tism approach. The paper and topic is important and original especially because in the multitude of scholarly writings devoted to Brexit questions, vast majority of them deals with institutional questions, the interpretation of Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union; the constitutional matters at national UK level; future relation between EU and UK and political bargaining behind such as all that. The question of impact on withdrawal on Euratom membership is somehow underrepresented. Present paper attempts to fill this gap and accelerate the scholarly debate on this matter globally, because all consequences of Brexit already have and will definitely give rise to more world-wide effects.


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