scholarly journals The concept of social liberalism of Frederick August von Hayek

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
Emilia Wieczorek
Keyword(s):  
Economic Freedom ◽  
Social Philosophy ◽  
The State ◽  
Spontaneous Order ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Social Liberalism

According to some criteria, social liberalism is considered to be one of the types of liberalism. These studies are a reflection on Frederick August von Hayek’s concept of social liberalism, who is a supporter of political and economic freedom, but above all, individual freedom. This analysis aims to present the leading ideas of his social philosophy in the area of the function of the state, democracy, freedom, spontaneous order of individualism and equality.

scholarly journals Rethinking Self-Responsibility: An Alternative Vision to the Neoliberal Concept of Freedom

2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Massimo Pendenza ◽  
Vanessa Lamattina
Keyword(s):  
Economic Freedom ◽  
The State ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Competitive System ◽  
Alternative Vision ◽  
Modus Vivendi ◽  
Moral Nature ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Social Engagements

In current societies, the freedom of the individual is at the center of mainstream public and political debate. For neoliberals, the individual is conceived as an unattached, self-responsible market player. However, this perspective has highly destructive consequences for societies. We contrast this conception of the individual with that of Durkheim, endorsing Durkheim’s. Our thesis is that the neoliberal notion of the individual, freedom, society, and the State rejects any idea of responsibility—of one individual toward others, of the State toward individuals, and even of individuals toward themselves—emphasizing the absolute autonomy of the individual. For neoliberals, society is an environment in which a new kind of individual is formed, whose modus vivendi is focused on self-entrepreneurship and the obsessive acquisition of resources to achieve success in a competitive system. In contrast, Durkheim highlights the moral nature of society and the reciprocal obligations of individuals. For him, the individual is part of the State, not against it, and, consequently, he considers neither the individual nor the State as subordinate to economic freedom and the needs of the market. Thus, Durkheim emphasizes a social vision with regard to freedom, justice, solidarity, and the responsibility of the individual and the State based on his perception that human behavior operates within particular fields of action that are formed by various social engagements.

scholarly journals Rektor C.J.L. Almqvist och personlighetsprincipen

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-61
Author(s):  
Annika Ullman
Keyword(s):  
Elementary School ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Pilot School ◽  
The Government ◽  
Existential Dimension ◽  
The Right ◽  
Liberal Culture

Principal C.J.L. Almqvist and the principle of personalityThe Swedish author and visionary Carl Jonas Love Almqvist (1793–1866) was the principal for twelve years (1829–1841) of the government-initiated pilot school ”Nya Elementarskolan” (New Elementary School) in Stockholm. In this position, he argued that both the school and the state should be built on the same basic idea: the right of individual freedom. This argument is often referred to as ”personlighetsprincipen” (the principle of personality), a concept launched by another prominent figure of the liberal culture of the time, Erik Gustaf Geijer (1783–1847). This article explores how the principle of personality is expressed in the texts of Almqvist and is mainly built upon the concept’s allegorical resources. It examines the thesis that Almqvist’s use of the term is best understood if one distinguishes between the political, pedagogical, and existential dimension of the concept. The article ends with some thoughts about the context of the concept and a discussion on whether Almqvist had a greater interest in personalities than in principles.

scholarly journals An Indication of China's Policy towards Uighurs and its Implications by International Law Aspects

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-71
Author(s):  
Mellisa Towadi ◽  
Nur Mohamad Kasim ◽  
Rumawi Rumawi ◽  
Siti Asifa Tahir
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Main Interest ◽  
Civil And Political Rights ◽  
Democratic Principles

This article examines the Chinese government's policy towards Uighurs for the purpose of outlining and explaining indications of the policy that have implications on the legal aspects of this international law. This study was researched using normative juridical methods with expansive analysis based on logical-normative approaches. The results of the analysis show that broadly the policies China implements against the Uighur population are indicated to acts of discrimination. China's main interest is sovereignty, so of course, China will not allow the release of any territory from China. While the implications in the context of International Law as to uphold the guarantee of civil and political rights, liberal and democratic principles or independence, and individual freedom in relation to the state. The points of conflict identified, especially concerning the reach of equality of rights between ethnic Uighurs and other ethnicities in China, the prohibition of inhumane punishment and degrading dignity, and religious freedom.

Pacifism and the State in Colonial Pennsylvania

1939 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-74
Author(s):  
Guy Franklin Hershberger
Keyword(s):  
Social Philosophy ◽  
The State ◽  
Peace Movement ◽  
World Today ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of

There are many varieties of pacifism in the world today. And the history of the peace movement shows that most of them, if not all, have had a long existence. Each type of pacifism is usually based on some corresponding variety of theology, religion, ethics, or political or social philosophy.

Human Dignity in Classical Chinese Philosophy: The Daoist Perspective

2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 493-510
Author(s):  
Qianfan Zhang
Keyword(s):  
Human Dignity ◽  
Chinese Philosophy ◽  
Human Person ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Traditional Morality ◽  
Classical Chinese ◽  
Spiritual Well Being

This article discusses the Daoist contribution to the idea of human dignity in the classical Chinese philosophy, particularly in aspects that had been ignored by the Confucians and the Moists. By criticizing the traditional morality and reviving the faith in a primitive, self-sufficient life, Laozi and Zhuangzi add an important dimension to the classical understanding of human dignity: individual freedom, particularly the freedom of living under minimum burden, direction, and oppression of the state. By comparing the Daoist conception of human dignity with those of the Confucians and Moists, the article concludes that all three classical schools, if rationally construed, should support the view that the establishment of a liberal constitutional scheme is necessary to preserve and protect minimum/basic dignity in both physical and spiritual well-being of every human person who lives in a modern society.

The State

2021 ◽  
pp. 187-213
Author(s):  
Dan Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Social Cohesion ◽  
Free Speech ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Primary Role ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Mutual Assistance ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Reduced Scale

Chapter 7 turns to the state, and Spinoza’s ideas in the TP about the role of the state in establishing the conditions for peace, piety and mutual assistance. Does Spinoza champion a proto-liberal sovereignty of reduced scale, founded in deliberation, toleration and free speech, or should the state actively intervene in the lives of its subjects? If he seems to emphasise both, why, and are the two compatible? What late and new role does the multitude play in the establishment and maintenance of social cohesion? The TP itself has been under-appreciated in providing a deeper exposition of the pre-eminence of the affects to political life. Here the multitude appear on stage, and their common feelings and desires take a primary role in the freedom and security of the state. The chapter identifies Spinoza’s aim in this late, unfinished work as one to describe a reasonable republic, that is, an optimum state whose foundation and laws are strictly, scientifically reasonable. I then critically assess Spinoza’s attempt to load the burden of becoming freer onto the state itself, resulting in some potentially unresolvable paradoxes for individual freedom

scholarly journals Who Was Afraid of Pregnancy Tests? Gestational Information and Reproduction Policies in France (1920–50)

2019 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-152
Author(s):  
Fabrice Cahen
Keyword(s):  
Laboratory Diagnosis ◽  
The State ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Double Bind ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Institutional Agents ◽  
Apparent Paradox ◽  
Informational Asymmetry ◽  
Long Time

Though resulting from a long-term process, the need to manage pregnancies both medically and bureaucratically became a state concern, especially from the 1920s onwards. A woman’s official obligation to notify the state of her pregnancy (and therefore to know it on time) goes beyond a matter of biopolicies and poses a range of contradictions. ‘Pregnant or not?’ – as an issue of knowledge – is a powerful tool for apprehending the tensions between individual freedom, privacy, institutional requirements and professional powers.In order to better understand the historical meaning of pregnancy diagnostics in mid-twentieth-century France, this paper combines three dimensions: uncertainty and its management; the informational asymmetry between institutional agents and women; and the diachronic dimension of gestation. Writing this history sheds more light on an apparent paradox: while knowing and notifying one’s own pregnancy became a duty, the tools that could help women eliminate some doubt right from the first months of their pregnancy – in particular the innovation of laboratory diagnosis – was seen as a danger. When, in 1938, private laboratories began publishing advertisements for the laboratory test in the most widely-read newspapers, tending to reframe it as a commercial service, the anti-abortion crusade was increasing its propaganda and its political pressure. This crusade’s legal victory proved incomplete, but for a long time some of the most conservative physicians recommended great parsimony in prescribing testing. Combined with reducing the legal time limit for notification, this conflict shows how the state injunctions towards women could look like a ‘double bind’.

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