scholarly journals Rola lobbingu w polskich stosunkach przemysłowych

2018 ◽  
pp. 121-137
Author(s):  
Mariusz PIESTRAK ◽  
Karolina KICHEWKO
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
Business Organizations ◽  
Profound Change ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Social Interests ◽  
Old Boys Network

Lobbying is one of the strategies applied by groups of interest. Like any other strategy it is to help achieve the goals that a particular group identifies and articulates. Paradoxically, the greatest value and the strongest enemy of lobbying is its popularity. On one hand lobbying is a series of activities that group elites willingly (e.g. in the U.S.) employ to achieve their interests. On the other hand, though, referring to the notion of lobbying in various contexts, whether in PR, marketing or journalism, it raises numerous questions. The latter, i.e. the journalistic context distorts it most severely. It is journalism that applies the name of lobbying to mysterious, to put it mildly, and dubious interactions between the private and the political sectors, thereby implying a rather derogatory ‘image’ of this instrument in public opinion, which is especially the case in Central and Eastern Europe, including Poland. However, lobbying is more than a handy tool to achieve particular, strictly business interests, it is also an important route to implement social interests. It can be easily used by large economic groups of interest, trade unions or business organizations, wrestling with the strong third party of industrial relations, the state. By this token lobbying becomes a component of industrial relations, and by no means is it a worse party, one that is less socially-oriented and more like an ‘old boys’ network’, but a party which can efficiently contribute to a specified social interest to be implemented in the labor market. In order to make it possible, though, appropriate regulations, conditions, and factors of a legal, organizational and cultural nature need to be developed. A profound change in this field does not seem feasible in Poland, which becomes clear when reading the long-awaited law on lobbying currently in the legislative process. Maybe we should not be very surprised, given that our industrial arena is highly susceptible to hybrid and ephemeral solutions, and the issue of making appropriate use of lobbying also leaves a margin for uncertainty and deformation. Despite these concerns and limitations caused by industrial relations it is worth improving and creating the proper environment for lobbying activity in Poland, which the authors of this paper try to demonstrate.

scholarly journals Crisis and opportunity: Varieties of capitalism and varieties of crisis responses in Estonia and Slovenia

2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magnus Feldmann
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
General Pattern ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Varieties Of Capitalism ◽  
Wage Bargaining ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
Social Council ◽  
Crisis Responses

A growing literature has analysed capitalist institutions in Slovenia and Estonia, two countries often viewed as representing very different varieties of capitalism in Central and Eastern Europe. Slovenia has been unique in the region, given its highly centralized wage bargaining and the importance of corporatist institutions, notably the tripartite Economic and Social Council; it is thus an exception to the general pattern of weak unions and ‘illusory corporatism’ across the region. By contrast, Estonia is commonly viewed as a prime example of a liberal market economy, in which industrial relations are decentralized. This article analyses how these distinctive institutional configurations have shaped the two countries’ responses to the global economic crisis beginning in 2007–2008. It explores whether these institutions have undergone changes as a result of the crisis, and also seeks to identify lessons from this experience for the future prospects for corporatism and tripartism, and also for the revitalization of trade unions and progressive politics in Central and Eastern Europe more generally.

Laboratories of the new Europe: trade unions, employee interest representation and participation in foreign investment enterprises in central and eastern Europe

2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-591
Author(s):  
Eckhard Voss
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Shop Floor ◽  
The Czech Republic ◽  
New Member States ◽  
Interest Representation ◽  
Trade Unionism ◽  
Foreign Investment Enterprises

This article examines a number of aspects of the industrial relations practices of foreign investors in central and eastern Europe, focusing on trade union structures, employee interest representation, and consultation and social dialogue at the company level. Based on evidence from selected companies in Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia, the paper argues that the experiences of multinational companies with regard to employee interest representation and shop-floor trade unionism should be regarded as ‘laboratories of learning processes' which are not only having an impact on the ongoing transformation of industrial relations and corporate cultures in the new Member States but also on the whole of Europe, most notably the future shape of institutionalised employee participation.

Looking for European solutions. Trade unions in Central and Eastern Europe striving for cross-border solidarity

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-323
Author(s):  
Jan Czarzasty ◽  
Sławomir Adamczyk ◽  
Barbara Surdykowska
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Common Interest ◽  
Factors Affecting ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Uncertain Future

This article deals with the dilemmas faced by trade unions from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in the context of their relations with western European (EU-15) unions and the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC). The issue of cross-border solidarity is re-examined, taking into account its historical meanings as well as current developments under the pressures of globalisation and EU integration. The article analyses key factors affecting East–West trade union relations – different views within the ETUC, discontinuities in European social dialogue, challenges faced by European works councils and the uncertain future of transnational company agreements. Major dilemmas CEE unions cope with vis-à-vis their western counterparts are outlined. The question of how to achieve a common interest platform for trade unions from Central and Eastern Europe and from western Europe is raised, followed by a suggestion that ‘downward convergence’ in industrial relations is bringing the two regions closer.

scholarly journals What next for unions in Central and Eastern Europe? Invisibility, departure and the transformation of industrial relations

2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Umut Korkut ◽  
Alex de Ruyter ◽  
Manos Maganaris ◽  
David Bailey
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Social Dialogue ◽  
Public Sector Employment ◽  
Outward Migration

This article examines union revitalization in Central and Eastern Europe, focusing on two countries: Hungary and Latvia. Trade unions have not only had to cope with a declining membership base, but have also had to respond to austerity programmes and government cuts in public sector employment. We argue that the inability of unions to provide a strong voice for alternative policies to the current neoliberal orthodoxy has been driven by a declining membership base, but also by weakened social dialogue mechanisms, limited industrial representation and an ageing membership profile, exacerbated by net outward migration in recent years. However, we find that unions in Latvia and Hungary have responded differently to these issues.

The Bullock Committee, Industrial Democracy, and the Trade Unions: The Revolution that Never Was

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 213-228
Author(s):  
John Edmonds
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
White Paper ◽  
The State ◽  
Industrial Democracy ◽  
Business Interests ◽  
Margaret Thatcher ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
Working Lives ◽  
Minority Report

The report of the Bullock Committee on Industrial Democracy aimed to transform British industrial relations by instituting worker directors on the board of large companies. This transformation never took place. A minority report by the three committee members representing business interests opposed putting workers’ representatives on the board. The aftermath was even more disappointing: the Labour government’s White Paper diluted several of Bullock’s recommendations but before legislation could be tabled, in May 1979, the incoming Conservative government led by Margaret Thatcher declared that the Bullock recommendations would never be enacted. The goal of industrial democracy is to reduce the autocratic power of management and give all employees greater control of their working lives. Given the weakness of trade unions today, it is time to look again at statutory works councils in Germany and representation of a minority of worker directors on the board, both elected by all employees. This would give workers and their unions information about the state of the company and about management intentions.

Promoting constructive social dialogue: Third party assistance in conflictive industrial relations

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Euwema ◽  
Patricia Elgoibar ◽  
Ana Belen Garcia ◽  
Aurelien Colson ◽  
Patricia Elgoibar ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Social Dialogue

Legal Expertise: A Critical Resource for Trade Unionists? Insights into the Confédération Française Démocratique du Travail

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cécile Guillaume
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Institutional Power ◽  
Collective Redress ◽  
Critical Resource ◽  
The Law ◽  
Legal Expertise

Abstract Based on in-depth qualitative research conducted in one of the major French trade unions (the CFDT), this article explores to what extent and under what conditions trade unions adopt different legal practices to further their members’ interests. In particular, it investigates how ‘legal framing’ has taken an increasingly pervasive place in trade union work, in increasingly decentralised industrial relations contexts, such as France. This article therefore argues that the use of the law has become a multifaceted and embedded repertoire of action for the CFDT in its attempt to consolidate its institutional power through various strategies, including collective redress and the use of legal expertise in collective bargaining and representation work.

scholarly journals International framework agreements: new paths to workers' participation in multinationals' governance?

2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Schömann ◽  
André Sobzack ◽  
Eckhard Voss ◽  
Peter Wilke
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Social Regulation ◽  
International Level ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Labour Standards ◽  
The Impact

This article describes the results of a major study on the impact of codes of conduct and international framework agreements (IFAs) on social regulation at company level. The limits of labour legislation at the national, as well as the international, level provide a strong motivation for both multinationals and trade unions to negotiate and sign IFAs. IFAs offer a way to regulate the social consequences of globalisation and to secure adherence to labour and social standards. They thus form part of the growing political debate on the international working and production standards of private actors. Examination of the negotiation process, the motivations of the parties, and the content of the agreements and implementation measures provides valuable insights into the impact of IFAs on multinationals' behaviour in respect of social dialogue and core labour standards. Finally, the article highlights the influence of such agreements on public policy-making and the limits of private self-regulation at European and international level, addressing the growing and controversial debate on the need for supranational structures to regulate labour standards and industrial relations.

The Conservative Party and the Trade Unions since 1974

1979 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Moran
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Industrial Relations ◽  
Conservative Party

Public policy on industrial relations can be interpreted as a variation on three traditional themes: individualism; voluntary collectivism; and compulsory collectivism. Before 1974 the Conservative Party had at various times been committed to policies suggested by all these traditions. Since the Party's expulsion from government in that year arguments between Conservatives over industrial relations have likewise involved choices between policies suggested by the three traditions. Despite superficial signs of a revival of individualism in the Party, the substance of policy has been decisively shaped by voluntary collectivism.

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