scholarly journals Ewolucja albo substytucja, czyli jaka przyszłość NATO

2021 ◽  
pp. 9-33
Author(s):  
Jerzy Menkes

The author analyses the North Atlantic Alliance through the prism of community of values as the foundation of the system of collective self-defence. The starting point of the discussion was the construction of a “security community” by the states of the western hemisphere in order to repel the direct existential threat from the USSR. This constructed ‘community’ proved to be an institution capable of transformation – after the end of the ‘Cold War’ – in the face of new security threats. The 21st century has confronted the Allies and NATO with new challenges. These challenges come both from counter-system states – strategic rivals – and from within the Alliance itself, from states rejecting common values. The subjects of an in-depth comparative analysis are: internal challenges, examined in the form of case studies; the “hub and spokes system”, treated as a possible alternative to the Alliance; and NATO’s internal study – a report on challenges and the possibilities of meeting them. The author presents a catalogue of existential internal challenges with which NATO is confronted and the organisation’s search for ways to cope with these challenges. He presents an alternative model of bilateral alliances as a way to ensure security of the western hemisphere in case of NATO’s inability to survive. The aim of the study is to answer the question within the framework of the disjunctive alternative: will it be possible to transform (by the parties to the Washington Treaty) NATO into a community of values? Or will it be necessary to replace NATO with a network of bilateral agreements, that is, to replace the plurilateral institution with structured bilateral cooperation? The study is based on the conclusions of a legal survey of primary sources and representative literature on the subject.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Şerban Procheş ◽  
Syd Ramdhani ◽  
Alice C. Hughes ◽  
Lian Pin Koh

The plight of Southeast Asia’s animals, plants and ecosystems in the face of unsustainable exploitation and habitat destruction has been illustrated in several recent studies, despite often falling outside the global discourse on global conservation priorities. Here, we collate biogeographic and phylogenetic information to argue that this beleaguered region is one of world’s primary macrorefugia, and possibly its best chance of regaining its natural biodiversity distribution patterns after the current Anthropocene upheaval. The region uniquely combines top diversity values in (a) ancient lineage diversity and (b) cosmopolitan lineage diversity, suggesting that it has acted in the past as a biodiversity museum and source of global colonization. This is at least partly due to the interplay between latitudinal diversity gradients and continental connectivity patterns. However, the peak values in South China/North Indochina for cosmopolitan tetrapods and their sister lineages suggest that a key feature is also the availability of diverse climatic conditions. In particular, the north-south orientation of the mountain ranges here has allowed for rapid recolonization within the region following past climatic changes, resulting in high survival values and overall exceptional relict lineage diversity. From this starting point, global colonization occurred on multiple occasions. It is hoped that, with urgent action, the region can once again fulfill this function.


2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 4-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie Miller

In 1975–1976, South Africa's apartheid regime took the momentous step of intervening in the Angolan civil war to counter the Marxist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola and its backers in Havana and Moscow. The failure of this intervention and the subsequent ignominious withdrawal had major repercussions for the evolution of the regime and the history of the Cold War in southern Africa. This article is the first comprehensive study of how and why Pretoria became involved. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources from South African archives as well as interviews with key protagonists, the article shows that the South African Defence Force and Defence Minister P. W. Botha pushed vigorously and successfully for deeper engagement to cope with security threats perceived through the prism of the emerging doctrine of “total onslaught.” South Africa's intervention in Angola was first and foremost the product of strategic calculations derived from a sense of threat perception expressed and experienced in Cold War terms, but applied and developed in a localized southern African context.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Reilly

On September 28th 1955, the city of Calgary executed one of the only major civil defence evacuation operations in Canadian history. The exercise, Operation “Lifesaver,” was a product of careful planning over a series of months but failed to attract the interest of most Calgary citizens. The operation exhibited both the Canadian government’s concern for civil defence during the 1950s and the desire for civic pride in a decade that favoured a homogenous and functional society. Operation “Lifesaver” was not an accurate representation of a nuclear attack; instead it was a controlled exercise devised to calm the fears of civilians in the face of possible war. Despite the rich primary sources available, Canada’s civil defence experiences during the Cold War remain an allusive topic in Canadian historiography. Operation “Lifesaver” holds a prominent position in Alberta history in an era that defined much of Canada’s nationality and society. This article is the third chapter of my History MA thesis which examines the place of Atomic Culture in Canadian history and the Canadian Cold War experience.


Author(s):  
L. V. Zakharova ◽  

The article examines main directions of the Russian-North Korean cooperation in the context of the coronavirus pandemic in 2020–2021. The summit of the Russian and North Korean leaders in 2019 created expectations for expanded bilateral cooperation in the areas not prohibited by the UN Security Council resolutions. Due to the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, however, the DPRK has severely limited contacts with the outside world since January 2020. Transport links with other countries were suspended, foreigners were prohibited from entering the country, and export and import operations were broken off. By April 2021 most of the foreign diplomats and all foreign employees of international humanitarian organizations had left the DPRK. Nevertheless, Russia retained its presence in North Korea and continued to provide humanitarian assistance to that country. Petroleum products supplies from Russia continued until August 2020. Bilateral trade in 2020 decreased by 11% compared to 2019. The mutual exchange of delegations in 2020 was frozen, however, regular contacts of diplomats with the local authorities continued both in Pyongyang and in Moscow. A new educational project was launched in 2021. During online sessions researches from leading Russian universities deliver lectures to teachers and researchers from the North Korean institutes. Thus, the two countries are trying to maintain contacts and develop cooperation even in the current tough conditions.


1992 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 819-855 ◽  
Author(s):  
John S. Duffield

With the end of the cold war, the military posture of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has entered a period of profound change. Prior to the recent dramatic political events in Europe, however, NATO conventional force levels in the Central Region had been remarkably stable for some three decades. This article seeks to explain this record of stability in terms of three widely used theories of international relations. It argues that balance-of-power theory and public goods theory cannot alone provide a satisfactory account. Rather, these traditional approaches for understanding alliance behavior must be supplemented by regime theory, which emphasizes the constraining effects of enduring institutional factors even in the face of structural change. Specifically, it shows how an international regime has influenced the provision of conventional forces in the Central Region by alliance members. More generally, this analysis seeks to contribute to the literature on international regimes in three ways. First, it demonstrates that regimesdomatter by providing an example of their importance for explaining state behavior and international outcomes. Second, it extends regime theory to relations among military allies. Third, it elaborates a comprehensive model for understanding why states actually comply with regime injunctions. The model stresses both the ways in which regimes effectively modify the international environment within which states operate, altering the costs and benefits associated with different courses of action, and the ways in which participating states may internalize regime norms and rules, thereby making compliance increasingly automatic.


2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (4) ◽  
pp. 766-785 ◽  
Author(s):  
BRANDON J KINNE

Cooperation helps states realize mutual gains, but mistrust and disagreements over institutional design inhibit cooperation. This article develops a network explanation for how states achieve cooperation in the face of persistent coordination and collaboration problems. The analysis focuses on bilateral cooperation agreements, a vast body of treaties spanning multiple issue areas. Bilateral agreements constitute an evolving network of cooperative ties. This network defines the strategic environment in which states bargain over new agreements, endogenously influencing subsequent bilateral endeavors by revealing strategically valuable information about states’ trustworthiness and preferences over institutional design, while also generating externalities that incentivize bilateral partnerships. Inferential network analysis shows that states are more likely to create bilateral agreements if they (1) share agreements with common third parties, (2) accede to more agreements in general, and/or (3) share important exogenous characteristics with current bilateral partners. These network dynamics drive bilateral cooperation in everything from commodities to cultural exchange to fisheries.


2007 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 34-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renée de Nevers

What role does NATO play in combating terror? NATO's missions have expanded dramatically since the end of the Cold War, and most of the United States’ closest allies are members of the alliance. Nevertheless, NATO plays, at best, a supportive role in U.S. efforts to combat terrorism. The alliance contributes to preventive and defensive missions to address the threat of terrorism, and its consequence management plans aim to respond to terrorist attacks and to mitigate their effects. But many of the essential activities of the fight against terrorism occur outside NATO, through bilateral cooperation or loose coalitions of the willing. Three factors help to explain NATO's minor role in combating terrorism: shifts in alignments and threat perceptions caused by systemic changes, the alliance's limited military capabilities, and the nature of the fight against terror itself. Over time the consequences of NATO's limited role could be severe. If NATO's strongest members do not seek to address their core security threats within the alliance, NATO may have difficulty sustaining its military value.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 136-148
Author(s):  
Patrycja Zaremba

New challenges for the North Atlantic Alliance. NATO in the face of hybrid threatsThe end of the cold war and, consequently collapsed of bipolar partition led to the situation of appearing new, unknown threats in the security and defense sphere. The representatives of North Atlantic Alliance face the challenge, which result was taking decisive steps to counteract and level newly created threats. The following article provides outline of the problem to apply a reality which NATO is. The author try to ask the question: “Do the main safety pillar have the mechanism to counteract and prevent unwanted scenarios in multimodal character as hybrid threats?”.


Author(s):  
Vanni Pettinà

Drawing on new primary sources from former Soviet Union, US and Mexican archives this chapter analyzes the failed process of Mexican-Soviet engagement which took place between the end of the 1950s and the beginning of the 1960s. The chapter shows the factors which, for first time since the beginning of the Cold War in 1947, created the conditions for a bilateral rapprochement between the two countries. On the one hand, it shows how the ideological changes fostered by the new Khrushchev leadership made the Soviet Union particularly keen in strengthening its political and economic relations with Latin America and Mexico. Moreover, it shows how Soviet analysis of the international constraints the Western Hemisphere and Mexico faced in advancing their process of economic development fit squarely with Latin American desarrollista perception of the problem and recipes to fix it.


2020 ◽  
pp. 234779892097629
Author(s):  
Ramazan Erdağ

A significant change in Turkey’s foreign policy came with an active engagement in regional issues that, in turn, produced more risks, new areas of interest, regional policy arrangements, and different security challenges in the 2000s. In this vein, Turkey’s military spending has increased to sustain its active policy behavior and goals, both regionally and globally. This article examines Turkey’s military spending between 2000 and 2018 by using Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s (SIPRI) Military Expenditure Database and its effects on bilateral and regional relations. It argues that the increase in Turkey’s military spending in the 2000s can be explained not only by diversified security threats but also by the quest for autonomy, the desire to be a regional actor, economic capacity increase, efforts to nationalize the defense industry, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) alliance’s inability to form a sufficient umbrella time in the face of security threats, notably in the face of missile threats. The results show that the traditional alliances and strategic cooperation do not guarantee Turkey’s military demands, and its military spending increases, while the proportion of military spending in GDP falls, due to economic growth.


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