‘The power of a country resting in agriculture is always stronger than that based on factories, which will, if indecently proliferated, only produce a large number of beggars.’

2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 9-26
Author(s):  
Jakub Raška ◽  
Matěj Měřička
Keyword(s):  
Early Stage ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Specific Expression ◽  
Central European ◽  
Social Question ◽  
Political Group ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolution Of 1848 ◽  
Early Discussion ◽  
The Revolution

This article is devoted to an early discussion of pauperism and the social question in the early stage of Central European industrialisation on the pages of periodicals of the Habsburg Monarchy with an emphasis on Czech journalism. The authors attempt to follow the development of the discussion from the beginning of the 1830s until the collapse of the revolution of 1848. They pay attention to the semantic dynamics of the terms and discourse that were used in connection with mass poverty, as well as the foreign models that contributed to the specific expression of ideas of the causes of the social question and its solutions. The paper studies the development of mass poverty representation at the time from the general Romantic rejection of the modernisation process to proposals for solutions to the social question, which had already been formulated on the basis of affiliation to a political group.

Destruction, Revolution, or Reform: Hungary on the Eve of 1848

1976 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-8
Author(s):  
Istvan Deak
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Reform ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Political Group ◽  
National Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolution Of 1848 ◽  
The Revolution

The national movement to foster the social, political, and economic rejuvenation of Hungary began in earnest some twenty years before the Revolution of 1848. There was a direct line of development from the first reform diet of 1825, which demanded the redress of national grievances but no economic or social reform, to the last diet of feudal Hungary in 1847–1848, which demanded and obtained national sovereignty, the emancipation of the peasants, and the codification of basic human rights. During these years Hungary's political climate definitely changed, and every political group, even the court circles in Vienna, moved in what can be called a generally progressive or leftist direction. The court, the Hungarian chancellery in Vienna, the royal administration in Budapest, the conservative, liberal, and radical parties in the diet, and the extra-parliamentary opposition in the streets and the cafés—all assiduously planned, advocated, and introduced reform programs.

The History of the Habsburg Monarchy (1789–1918) in Romanian Historiography since 1945

1968 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 303-334
Author(s):  
Lajos Jordáky ◽  
Keith Hitchins
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
History Of ◽  
Revolution Of 1848 ◽  
The Revolution

Since the end of World War II historians in Romania have given considerable attention to various aspects of the history of the Habsburg monarchy. Needless to say, their researches have been more limited than those of their Czechoslovak and Hungarian colleagues, since they have been preoccupied especially with the internal history of Old Romania, which has little connection with the history of the monarchy. Nevertheless, in tracing the development of the Principalities of Moldaviaand Walachia and, after 1859, of united Romania, they have touched on a number of problems—commercial, diplomatic, and cultural—common to both countries. Their greatestcontribution to the study of the Habsburg monarchy has beentheir work on the history of Transylvania and, to a lesserextent, the Banat, both of which, except for a brief periodduring the Revolution of 1848–1849, were under Austrian administrationup to 1867 and after the Ausgleich incorporatedinto Hungary.

The Rumanians and the Disintegration of the Habsburg Monarchy

1967 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 450-476
Author(s):  
Andrei Oţetea
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Social Oppression ◽  
Points Of View ◽  
Administrative Units ◽  
Revolution Of 1848 ◽  
The Revolution

The problem with which this survey is concerned is the role played by the Rumanians of Transylvania as an integrating and disintegrating force in the Habsburg monarchy in the nineteenth century. This problem is unusually complex, since it can be examined from various points of view and at different stages in its historical development. On the basis of changing economic, political, and social factors, we may discern at least five such stages: (1) the first half of the century, during which Transylvania maintained the autonomy it had enjoyed since the promulgation of the Leopoldine Diploma in 1691; (2) the revolution of 1848–1849; (3) the period of absolutism of the 1850's, during which the Rumanians, who had failed to obtain territorial autonomy within the empire, were parceled out among various administrative units and continued to suffer national and social oppression at the hands of the dominant Magyar classes; (4) the so-called “liberal era” between 1860 and 1867, during which the court beguiled the Rumanians with promises that their national rights would at last be recognized in the monarchy generally and in Transylvania in particular; and (5) the period of dualism and the forced incorporation of Transylvania into Hungary.

scholarly journals THE SERBIAN VOJVODINA AND MONTENEGRO: 1848–1849

2021 ◽  
pp. 133-143
Author(s):  
VLADAN GAVRILOVIĆ
Keyword(s):  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Serbia And Montenegro ◽  
Revolution Of 1848 ◽  
The Revolution

The revolution of 1848–1849 had a significant effect on the Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy, who established their own self-governing entity, the Serbian Vojvodina, within the monarchy. These events also attracted the attention of Serbs living outside the monarchy’s borders, especially those in Montenegro and, in particular, the Metropolitan of Cetinje, Petar II Petrović Njegoš. He wanted to assist his compatriots in the monarchy, and considered this action to be only the first step, albeit a very important one, in the ultimate fight for the liberation and unification of all Serbs within two independent countries: Serbia and Montenegro.

Czech Attitudes toward the Hungarian Revolution

1976 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-63
Author(s):  
Joseph F. Zacek
Keyword(s):  
Negative Response ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Hungarian Revolution ◽  
Political Integrity ◽  
Revolution Of 1848 ◽  
The Revolution

Throughout the Revolution of 1848–1849 the national aspirations of the Hungarians generally evoked a negative response from both liberal and radical Czechs, although, on the whole, the radicals expressed less hostility than the liberals toward developments in Hungary. Of the two groups, the Czech radicals were the least interested in maintaining the territorial and political integrity of the Habsburg monarchy and the more revolutionary in their demands and expectations. Consequently they had less cause to criticize the Magyars. Indeed, after the Habsburgs declared war against Hungary and the Russians openly assisted them in subduing the Hungarian revolutionaries, the radicals openly expressed sympathy for the Magyar cause.

Communists and Social Democrats in the 1919 Hungarian Soviet Republic

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gábor Gángó
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Marxist Theory ◽  
World War ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Central European ◽  
Hungarian Revolution ◽  
The Social ◽  
Hungarian State

The abortive or briefly successful Central European revolutions after World War I have mostly been perceived as efforts to export Bolshevism beyond Russia´s borders. This is particularly misleading in regard to the Hungarian revolution, a much more complex phenomenon than has commonly been assumed. This chapter analyzes the events of 1918-1919 in detail and shows that there was no ready-made model that could be transferred from Russia to Hungary. Moreover, the role of the Social Democrats in the revolution was far too important for it to be labelled a Bolshevik one, and the revolutionary government had to deal with specific problems concerning the survival and retrenchment of the Hungarian state after the downfall of the Habsburg monarchy. The last section briefly analyses one of the most significant twentieth-century works on Marxist theory, Lukács‘s History and Class Consciousness, written as a postscript to the Hungarian revolution.

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