scholarly journals The Chinese Communist Party: Recruiting and Controlling the New Elites

2009 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 13-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheng Li
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Institution ◽  
Positive Development ◽  
Chinese Politics ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Fifth Generation ◽  
The One

This article explores two interrelated aspects of the new dynamics within the CCP leadership – the new elite groups and the new ground rules in Chinese politics. The first shows profound changes in the recruitment of the elite and the second aims to reveal the changing mechanisms of political control and the checks and balances of the Chinese political system. The article argues that the future of the CCP largely depends on two seemingly contradictory needs: how broad-based will the Party's recruitment of its new elites be on the one hand and how effective will the top leadership be in controlling this increasingly diverse political institution on the other. The emerging fifth generation of leaders is likely to find the challenge of producing elite harmony and unity within the Party more difficult than their predecessors. Yet, the diverse demographic and political backgrounds of China's new leaders can also be considered a positive development that may contribute to the Chinese-style inner-Party democracy.

The Unique “Blooming and Contending” 1961–62

1969 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 54-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merle Goldman
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Main Trend ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

From its inception until at least the Cultural Revolution, the Communist regime in China has had a twofold aim for its intellectuals: it has sought to indoctrinate them with the exclusive ideologies of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and it has tried to utilize their skills to develop an industrialized and modernized society. The Chinese Communist Party has attempted to implement these two policies by an insistence on the strict orthodoxy of thinking individuals, on the one hand, and by the encouragement of intellectuals to work creatively at their jobs on the other. This contradictory approach has resulted in a policy toward the intellectuals that has been alternatively severe and relaxed. Though the main trend is usually in one direction or the other, there have always been counter-currents present which can be revived when necessary.

The Politics of Liu Xiaobo's Trial

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Willy Wo-Lap Lam
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
The Other ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Comfort Zone ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One

This chapter explores the macro-level political development in China and the possibilities of liberalization in the context of weiquan and weiwen. The government is resorting to both hard and soft measures to maintain stability and legitimacy. On the one hand, a “scorched earth policy” is used against dissidents who may be perceived to challenge the Chinese Communist Party directly, as demonstrated by the prosecution and heavy punishment of Liu Xiaobo and his comrades-in-arms. On the other, the CCP has taken a reconciliatory approach in dealing with the poor, the liberal elements within the CCP, and the Uighurs in Xinjiang. In general, however, the CCP is retreating to a conservative comfort zone ideologically and institutionally. This suggests that there are only slim chances of further political reform.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ning Wang
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The Other ◽  
Physical Distress ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The One

This introductory chapter argues that political exiles to the Great Northern Wilderness were not necessarily real or even potential opponents of Mao's government, rather, they were often “loyal dissidents” and faithful followers of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Some of them were receptive to ideological remoulding and worked hard to achieve self-redemption. This struggle for redemption was self-imposed and was significantly compounded by mental and physical distress. In addition to Party politics, the conditions in the camps also contributed to the suffering of exiles. The chapter looks at both the resistance and subversion of state efforts to subdue these exiles on the one hand, and regrettable infighting and service to those same dark forces on the other.

Sneevliet and the Early Years of the CCP

1971 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 677-697 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dov Bing
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Mass Movement ◽  
Early Years ◽  
The Other ◽  
Recent Past ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The One

The formative years of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have long remained one of the most obscure periods in the recent past of China. There remain many puzzles about why and how the alliances, between the CCP and the Kuomintang (KMT) on the one hand and Soviet Russia on the other, came about in the early 1920s.For the last four years I have been studying the establishment and first years of the CCP, at the same time paying attention to the foundation and first years of the Indische Sociaal Democratische Vereniging (ISDV), which was later to become the Partai Kommunis Indonesia (PKI). In this connexion I have been specially interested in outlining the origins of that strategy whereby Communist Party members entered a nationalist mass movement and tried to capture it from within.

China's Governance: Political Reform in a Turbulent Environment

1989 ◽  
Vol 119 ◽  
pp. 481-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Burns
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
Chinese Politics ◽  
Turbulent Environment ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
China’S Economy ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

In 1989, after 40 years in power, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is faced with its worst crisis since the Cultural Revolution (1966–69) over the issue of reform of the Stalinist political system. Arguing that political reform was the necessary pre–condition for further change in China's economy, the reform wing of the CCP confronted conservatives who feared that the Party was losing its monopoly of Chinese politics. The result was that thousands of unarmed civilians in Central Beijing were killed by the army in the J early hours of 4 June 1989.

Understanding contemporary Chinese political communication

2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shi-xu
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
International Communication ◽  
The Other ◽  
Cultural Hegemony ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Contemporary Chinese

In the international scholarship, Chinese political communication is usually viewed from a political-economic and West-centric perspective. Consequently, it is portrayed as a product of the Chinese Communist Party(‘s ideology), deviant, totalitarian and unchanging. In this article I first argue for a historical and intercultural approach and so a view of contemporary Chinese political discourse as dynamic, critical-creative and cultural-hegemony-resistant. Then I analyze and assess accordingly the case of the Chinese discourse of human rights. It will be seen that this discourse has been evolving topically, reinforcing socially, and responding interculturally, thereby constituting a historic transformation in China’s human rights situation on the one hand and a counter-veiling force in the unbalanced international communication on human rights on the other. In conclusion I suggest that the mainstream scholarship go beyond the a-historical-and-a-intercultural approach to political communication in general and to that of non-Western societies in particular.

‘There shall be no musical servitude’: Towards a Multitudinous Shostakovich in the West

2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Musical Style ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.

Control and Style: Discipline Inspection Commissions Since the 11th Congress

1984 ◽  
Vol 97 ◽  
pp. 24-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Young
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Political Authority ◽  
Chinese Politics ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Party Leadership ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

The legacies of the Cultural Revolution have been nowhere more enduring than in the Chinese Communist Party organization. Since late 1967, when the process of rebuilding the shattered Party began, strengthening Party leadership has been a principal theme of Chinese politics; that theme has become even more pronounced in recent years. It is now claimed that earlier efforts achieved nothing, and that during the whole “decade of turmoil” until 1976, disarray in the Party persisted and political authority declined still further. Recent programmes of Party reform, therefore, still seek to overcome the malign effects of the Cultural Revolution in order to achieve the complementary objectives of reviving abandoned Party “traditions” and refashioning the Party according to the new political direction demanded by its present leaders.

scholarly journals Naxalbari and Jhapa Revolt: Historical Study

2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-134
Author(s):  
Rajkumar Pokhrel
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
West Bengal ◽  
The Other ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
Political Condition ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Communist Movement ◽  
Readiness To Adopt ◽  
The Impact

Naxalbari is a small village in West Bengal, India, where a section of the Communist Party of India (CPM) led by Kanu Sanyal,and Jangal Santhal initiated a violent uprising in 1967. On 18 May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which Jangal was the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Kanu Sanyal and readiness to adopt armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless. But before it, as a consequence of the debate in international communist movement, Indian communist Party split and a faction choose the path of Mao Thought to go ahead. The party was led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal and Jangal Santhal revolted against the existing political system. The uprising was started from Naxalbari village by using the policy of “annihilation of class enemy”. It is known as Naxalbari Revolt. But the neither could gain achievement nor run for long last. Top leader of the party, Charu Majumdar, was arrested and killed. After his murder, the party split into more than one dozen factions. On the other side, in Nepal, the neighboring district Jhapa came into influence of Naxalbari Revolt and the youth communists of Jhapa started the revolt using the same path of Naxalbari. Jhapa Revolt also runs for only 30 months. Both the movements became failure to achieve the aim. But due to the differences of ruling structure, existing political system, and geo political condition between two countries, the revolt of India split into several divisions and the movement of Nepal, even being unsuccessful to achieve the aim achieved to unify the divided movement. The impact of Naxalbari movement in India seems remain still now in some parts of India but in Nepal, Jhapa revolt has become a history. Whatsoever, both revolts have left impact in both countries till now.

State and Society in Contemporary China

1989 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-591 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth J. Perry
Keyword(s):  
Local Variation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Network Society ◽  
Chinese Politics ◽  
Social Sector ◽  
Dynamic Approach ◽  
Contemporary China ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Chinese Case ◽  
The One

Recent works on contemporary China stress the importance of the nonmarket economy in shaping a pattern of state-society relations quite unlike those found in capitalist economies. Nevertheless, these studies present strikingly different pictures of the Chinese case: a new, party-dominated, divided, yet compliant network society on the one hand; and an enduring, localistic, solidary, and resistant cellular society on the other. The author suggests that such divergent images may be partially reconciled if local variation (by region and social sector) is systematically incorporated into our models of Chinese politics. Calling for a nuanced and dynamic approach to state-society relations, the article argues for the importance of historically grounded research.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document