scholarly journals Bedeutungswandel der Zivilgesellschaft oder das Elend der Ideengeschichte: Eine kommentierte Übersetzung von Hirata Kiyoakis Aufsatz zum Begriff shimin shakai bei Antonio Gramsci (Teil 1)

2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kremers ◽  
Shunsuke Izuta

AbstractAnmerkungen zu Übersetzung und Zitationsweise: Namen werden mit dem Vornamen voran wiedergegeben. Die Umschrift japanischer Begriffe in lateinischen Lettern (The history of ideas is a history of translations and interpretations, of finding new words for old phenomena and attributing new phenomena to old words. In this commented translation from a Japanese source text, this historical process is demonstrated for the term civil society and the languages German, French, Italian and Japanese. In his 1989 article “On Gramsci’s notion of civil society”, Japanese Marxist Kiyoaki Hirata compared the use of the term by Georg W. F. Hegel, Karl Marx and Antonio Gramsci, while translating it to Japanese as

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 215-248
Author(s):  
Daniel Kremers ◽  
Shunsuke Izuta

Abstract Anmerkungen zu Übersetzung und Zitationsweise: Namen werden mit dem Vornamen voran wiedergegeben. Die Umschrift japanischer Begriffe in lateinischen Lettern (rōmaji) erfolgt nach dem Hepburn-System. Alle typografischen Sonderzeichen innerhalb der Übersetzung entsprechen Hervorhebungen des Autors im Original. Anmerkungen und Kommentare der Übersetzer befinden sich in den Fußnoten.The history of ideas is a history of translations and interpretations, of finding new words for old phenomena and attributing new phenomena to old words. In this commented translation from a Japanese source text, this historical process is demonstrated for the term civil society and the languages German, French, Italian and Japanese. In his 1989 article “On Gramsci’s notion of civil society”, Japanese Marxist Kiyoaki Hirata compared the use of the term by Georg W. F. Hegel, Karl Marx and Antonio Gramsci, while translating it to Japanese as shimin shakai 市民社会, today a highly popular term in Japan. After having published a translation of the first part of Hirata’s article, in which he endeavors on the connections and differences between Hegel and Marx, we have now translated the second part, in which Hirata reconstructs how Gramsci relied on Hegel and Marx in redefining the concept of civil society (società civile). We have pointed out why the global resurgence of the term civil society during the 1990s was accompanied by the invention of the neologism Zivilgesellschaft, while the classic term bürgerliche Gesellschaft almost fell into disuse in the German language. As both the English and the Japanese discourse on civil society (shimin shakai) continued unaffected by this translative-turn however, we have decided to translate shimin shakai in this pre-1990 text as bürgerliche Gesellschaft. This way we are able underline the fact that Hegel, Marx and Gramsci were writing on and further developing the same concept and that just because they have highlighted different aspects and attributed different functions to it, we do not necessarily need different words for each concept in order to properly understand these continuities and differences. More so we argue that neologisms like Zivilgesellschaft and Bürgergesellschaft have in the German discourse obscured continuities in the history of ideas on civil society. Hiratas text – despite of its weaknesses, such as a neglect of scientific documentation standards and a highly metaphoric and speculative language – is therefore a valuable contribution to highlighting such continuities and worth to be made accessible to a non-Japanese speaking readership. By pointing out the dialectic heritage in Gramsci’s writings, Hirata – much differently from many post-1990 authors – shows that Gramsci’s civil society is not constituted by a set of more or less organized so-called “non-state” actors that enclose and limit government authority, but rather forms an integral part of the state in which a government’s political force is bolstered by an ethical hegemony. It is in civil society that leading groups stabilize their authority over the whole society by educating and persuading the subaltern groups to an active consent to social and economic rules that benefit the interests of the leading group, while on the other hand no subaltern group can ever become politically leading before having established ethical hegemony in civil society.


2008 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris DeWiel

The idea of civil society has undergone a renaissance in recent years, but missing from this literature is an explanation for its historical transformation in meaning. Originally civil society was synonymous with political society, but the common modem meaning emphasizes autonomy from the state. This paper traces this historical transformation within the context of the history of ideas, and suggests that the critical event was an eighteenth-century reaction against the rationalistic universalism associated with the French Enlightenment. The continued significance of the question of universalism is suggested by the fact that universalistic Marxist Leninist theories provided the ideological underpinnings for the destruction of civil society in Eastern European nations. The paper concludes that three elements are essential to the modern understanding of civil society: its autonomy from the state, its interdependence with the state, and the pluralism of values, ideals and ways of life embodied in its institutions.


Author(s):  
Laura Brace

This book asks what it means to describe someone as a slave and explores the political dimensions of that question. It argues against the search for a transhistorical and timeless definition of slavery, and offers a critical interrogation of the dominant liberal discourse on slavery from the Enlightenment to the present. It pays particular attention to the meanings of the slavery / freedom binary and to the connections between the past and the present in understanding ‘old’ and ‘new’ slavery. The book is about what it means to think about slavery as a historical process and as a political relation, both in the history of political thought and in present debates about trafficking and incarceration. It argues that we need to bring the concept of slavery back into our understandings of freedom, labour and belonging, and unravel the assumptions behind the meanings we ascribe to personhood, sub-personhood and humanity. From Aristotle and the idea of natural slavery, through Locke’s conception of civil society, Hegel’s master-slave dialectic and J.S. Mill’s analogy of slavery and marriage to the discourse of modern abolition and the idea of trafficking as slavery, the book interrogates what it means to think about the idea of freedom as the opposite of slavery, and draws attention to the significance of the tensions, ambiguities and silences that surround that conception.


2020 ◽  

The relationship between the state and civil society can be characterised as complex, disharmonious and dynamic. The complexity results from the historical conditions of its origin and the different ways of thinking, grasping and structuring the relationship. The relationship is disharmonious because although it can theoretically be thought of as equal, this equality, in fact, hardly exists. The relationship is dynamic because it is in a permanent state of tension between the path dependencies of the history of ideas, and therefore can and must be constantly rethought. This anthology attempts to grasp and illuminate the relationship between the state and civil society in all its complexity by paying special attention to the contextual dependence of the genesis of this complicated relationship. With the emergence of the modern state based on sovereignty, the state entered into opposition with civil society. Modern political theory has devoted much of its energy to reflecting this antagonism and bridging the gap between the two. With contributions by Nelson Chacón, Julian Dörr, Christopher Gohl, Oliver Hidalgo, Heinz Kleger, Alexander Kruska, Antoine Lévy, Andreas Nix, Edwin QuirogaMolano and Michael Zantke.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-64
Author(s):  
Barna Bodó

Abstract Both the concept and the issue of civil society is a matter of dispute in respect of theory and practice alike. The present paper has a triple ambition: outlining the history of ideas behind the concept, providing an interpretation, and carrying out a distinct analysis of the processes characteristic of the East-Central European region. Owing to the unrealistic expectations formed around the concept, mystification poses a great danger to present-day civil society. In what follows, we will analyse the dilemmas evolved around the issue of civil society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-33
Author(s):  
Endah Siswati

Antonio Gramsci adalah seorang intelektual besar di kalangan kaum kiri, yang disebut sebagai pemikir terbesar setelah Karl Marx. Pemikiran-pemikiran Gramsci  tertuang dalam banyak artikel yang dimuat di media massa, dan dalam buku-buku karyanya seperti; Prison Notebook, The Modern Prince and Other Political Writing,   Selection from the Prison Notebooks, Letters from Prison, Selection from Political Writing,  Selection from Cultural Writing, dan sebagainya.Dari seluruh karya dan tulisannya, hegemoni dinilai sebagai ide sentral dan orisinal yang dikembangkan Gramsci. Teori Hegemoni dipandang telah membawa perubahan besar dan menimbulkan perdebatan pemikiran atas teori-teori perubahan sosial, terutama bagi yang menghendaki perubahan radikal dan revolusioner.Konsep-konsep pemikiran Gramsci tentang hegemony, civil society, political society, counter hegemony, war of position, war of movement, intelectual organik dan perannya dalam transformasi sosial, adalah gagasan-gagasan yang dinilai brilian, dan memberi sumbangan penting pada perkembangan teori-teori sosial, dan menumbuhkan kesadaran politik kritis.  Konsep pemikirannya tentang hegemoni juga mendorong perumusan kembali watak kelas, kekuatan-kekuatan sosial dan makna sejati dari kekuasaan dan dominasi.  Hal-hal inilah yang antara lain mendasari penulisan artikel ini.


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
László Kontler

This article attempts to refine the understanding of translation, thus contributing to evaluate its role in reception theory and in the history of ideas. A discussion of on the character, theories, and practices of translation in early-modern times is its entry point of analysis. During this period, what mattered in the first place was not the extent to which the translated text succeeded or failed in making the source text and its "original" ideas accessible in the target language, but rather the extent and the way in which the source text was instrumental in pursuing the agenda set by the translator or others in compliance with specific contexts. Such a perspective on translation seems also appropriate to current modes of inquiry for which translation is not an instance of inter-cultural communication, aiming to penetrate the Other in its fullness and make it intelligible in its otherness, but a communicative act whose purposes are predominantly intra-cultural and consist in supporting domestic agendas to which the translated text looks instrumental.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Camila Goes

O objetivo deste artigo é discutir as orientações metodológicas do chamado “contextualismo linguístico” da “Escola de Cambridge”, buscando apreender os principais aspectos da crítica reivindicada pelos historiadores ingleses ao longo da década de 1960. Estes buscavam uma nova perspectiva metodológica que apreendesse adequadamente o contexto e o significado das ideias do passado. Nesse sentido, será chamada especial atenção para Quentin Skinner, considerado o principal autor desta perspectiva, e seu ensaio clássico Meaning and Understanding in the History of Ideas publicado em 1969. Num segundo momento, nos debruçaremos numa das críticas a esta abordagem, realizada por Joseph Femia em seu artigo An Historicist Critique of “Revisionist” Methods for Studying the History of Ideas (1981).Com isso, espera-se colocar em relevo o modo pelo qual o contextualismo linguístico influenciou o debate metodológico no âmbito da “história das ideias”, assumindo o artigo de 1969 de Skinner como o mais influente nesse aspecto. De modo complementar, busca-se ressaltar um momento das críticas à abordagem skinneriana, a partir das contribuições de Femia, seguindo as orientações metodológicas do marxista italiano Antonio Gramsci. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 99-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Freeland

Abstract This article examines Bolivian vice president Álvaro García Linera’s use of concepts originating in the work of Antonio Gramsci and Bolivian sociologist René Zavaleta Mercado. Zavaleta’s concept of sociedad abigarrada (usually translated as ‘motley society’) has a history of misappropriation in which García Linera participates by articulating it with the related concept of the estado aparente to claim that the merely ‘apparent’ state which does not effectively represent the heterogeneous social reality of a country like Bolivia is abolished with the official establishment of the Plurinational State in 2009. This ideologeme of the Plurinational State as one that faithfully represents Bolivia’s abigarramiento is equated with the Gramscian stato integrale, which in Gramsci refers to the state proper plus civil society where these are thoroughly integrated to function as an organic whole (the modern capitalist nation-state). Beyond merely misusing the borrowed terms of this discursive operation, García Linera gives a prescriptive value to concepts developed for an analytical purpose to validate the existing regime.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095269512110192
Author(s):  
Joel Barnes

Between the 1930s and the mid 1970s, it was commonly believed that in 1880 Karl Marx had proposed to dedicate to Charles Darwin a volume or translation of Capital but that Darwin had refused. The detail was often interpreted by scholars as having larger significance for the question of the relationship between Darwinian evolutionary biology and Marxist political economy. In 1973–4, two scholars working independently—Lewis Feuer, professor of sociology at Toronto, and Margaret Fay, a graduate student at Berkeley—determined simultaneously that the traditional story of the proposed dedication was untrue, being based on a long-standing misinterpretation of the relevant correspondence. Between the two, and among several other scholars who became their respective allies, there developed a contest of authority and priority over the discovery. From 1975 to 1982, the controversy generated a considerable volume of spilled ink in both scholarly and popular publications. Drawing on previously unexamined archival resources, this article revisits the ‘case’ of the so-called ‘Darwin–Marx correspondence’ as an instance of the phenomenon of ‘multiple discovery’. A familiar occurrence in the natural sciences, multiple discovery is rarer in the humanities and social sciences. The present case of a priority dispute in the history of ideas followed patterns familiar from such disputes in the natural sciences, while also diverging from them in ways that shed light on the significance of disciplinary norms and research infrastructures.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document