Heimliche Komplizenschaft?

2003 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Georg Scherer

AbstractIn a globalized world nation state governments are no longer able to control the behaviour of global economic actors via legislation and execution. At the same time transnational organizations such as the UN, the ILO or the WTO have not yet established a suitable world order for the global economy. Critics of globalization raise concerns that in many countries multinational firms and their suppliers do not comply to human rights or to social and environmental standards. At the same time, local governments do not enforce these standards and transnational organizations are not allowed to intervene because of the principle of sovereignity. In the present paper I analyse the conclusions that can be drawn from economic free trade theory and from postmodern philosophy concerning the behaviour of multinational firms in developing countries. Despite their paradigmatical differences both these approaches come to similar results.

Author(s):  
Kenneth C. Shadlen

The concluding chapter reviews the main findings from the comparative case studies, synthesizes the main lessons, considers extensions of the book’s explanatory framework, and looks at emerging challenges that countries face in adjusting their development strategies to the new global economy marked by the private ownership of knowledge. Review of the key points of comparison from the case studies underscores the importance of social structure and coalitions for analyses of comparative and international political economy. Looking forward, this chapter supplements the book’s analysis of the political economy of pharmaceutical patents with discussion of additional ways that countries respond to the monumental changes that global politics of intellectual property have undergone since the 1980s. The broader focus underscores fundamental economic and political challenges that countries face in adjusting to the new world order of privately owned knowledge, and points to asymmetries in global politics that reinforce these challenges.


2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory B. Lewis ◽  
Rahul Pathak ◽  
Chester S. Galloway

Have state and local governments (SLGs) achieved pay parity with the private sector? The answer depends on how one defines parity. Using a standard labor economics model on U.S. Census data from 1990 to 2014, we find different patterns if we focus on pay, on pay plus benefits, or on total compensation within an occupation. All approaches indicate that pay is higher in local than in state governments and that Blacks, Hispanics, and employees without college diplomas earn higher pay in SLGs than in the private sector. In contrast, Whites, Asians, and college graduates are less likely to enjoy higher pay working in SLGs than in the private sector. Unsurprisingly, states with more liberal and Democratic legislatures pay public employees better, relative to workers in the private sector.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-111
Author(s):  
Sirimal Abeyratne ◽  
N. S. Cooray

Comparative advantage is based on ‘locational factors’ so that trade leads to growth and its spatial concentration. Until recently, the nexus between trade and spatial growth received little space within trade analyses though it did not appear to be a missing link in initial contributions to trade theory. The reshaping of the global economy with greater integration has called for analyses of trade and spatial growth. This article examines theoretical premises of the link between international trade and spatial growth, and the implications of reshaping of the global economy for the study of spatial growth within trade theory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (Summer 2021) ◽  
pp. 117-140
Author(s):  
Bora Bayraktar

The COVID-19 outbreak has had a huge impact on the global economy and politics. Closures and lockdowns stopped international trade resulting in an economic slowdown. It has changed the daily lives of people and the way business takes place. Politics has also been affected by the pandemic. Discussions about the changing world order have gained a new dimension and momentum. In this article, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in international relations is analyzed. Has COVID-19 triggered a change in the world order? If it has, what are the nature, scope, and content of this change? As a rising regional power in the Eastern Mediterranean region, how has Turkey been affected by this, and how did it respond to the changing situation? Signs of deteriorating world order, declining U.S. leadership, escalating geopolitical competition amongst global powers were in the air before the pandemic. Turkey’s adaptation to this new world order pre-dates the pandemic, when it changed its political system, and invested in its security and cohesion.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11 (109)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Alexey Kuznetsov

The article highlights three stages of the formation of multinationals from developing countries. Although first Argentine TNCs appeared at the turn of the 19th — 20th centuries, in the majority of the Global South countries TNCs appeared in the 1960s — 1980s. With the collapse of the bipolar world order, which in many developing countries was accompanied by significant internal political and economic transformations, the second stage of foreign expansion of TNCs from the Global South began. Indeed, in 1990 they accounted for 6 % of global outward foreign direct investment stock, while the figure was 10 % by the end of 2005. We date the beginning of the third stage to the financial and economic crisis of 2007—2009, since multinationals from developing countries as a whole are more successfully overcoming the period of turbulence in the global economy. By the end of 2020, they accounted for 22 % of global outward foreign direct investment stock, and during the COVID-19 pandemic crisis they generally exported more than 50% of the capital. The modern foreign expansion of such TNCs has many reasons, differs greatly from country to country, and often differs slightly from the specifics of Western multinationals. At the same time, initially, “late internationalization” in developing countries had two main vectors — the use of new opportunities for South — South cooperation and overcoming, through the creation of subsidiaries in highly developed countries, the shortcomings of the business environment of “catching up” countries.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (9) ◽  
pp. 14-24
Author(s):  
E. Sadovaya

The subject of the research is the challenges of the digital economy for the employment sector in Russia. The need to reduce costs in the face of a deteriorating situation in the global economy is a factor in accelerating the digital transformation of employment in the country. The transformation is carried out through the automation of the main business processes, as well as through the development of platform employment formats. Specific features of the process of digital transformation of employment form the shape of the development of the Russian labor market in the post- Soviet period. Its main factor was the country’s entry into the global system of division of labor, which led to the formation of the modern structure of employment. The economy of Russia, recognized as raw material, turned out to be “commercial” in terms of employment, since it was this industry that created the bulk of jobs during that period. The commerce sector, which had high growth potential in the early 1990s in Russia, provided jobs for all those labor resources that were released from the industry. However, at the moment this source has been exhausted. Digitalization threatens the most labor-intensive sectors of the Russian economy. Commerce turns out to be the first industry to undergo automation and digitalization of jobs. At the same time, the most massive professions (accountants, bank employees, HR specialists, salesmen, cashiers, couriers, security guards, secretaries, packers, call center workers, drivers) are under the threat of “disappearance”, while new ones in demand by the market are more likely “unique” and they are mostly associated with robotization, digitalization and biotechnology. The unmet demand for these professions is a reflection of the complexities of training highly qualified interdisciplinary specialists and not a physical shortage of labor resources, and this is a serious challenge for the vocational education system. The study aims to gain a deeper understanding of the processes taking place in the social and labor sphere in Russia, to create a conceptual basis for the development of a socio-economic policy of the state that adequately responds to the challenges of the digitalization of the economy. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 300-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geiguen Shin

Abstract Contemporary U.S. federalism particularly since the late1960s has evolved over the course of pluralism alternating exercisable governmental powers between the federal and state governments. The complexity of the power relationship has been observed in a variety of policies during the past quarter-century as has the discussion of whether or not contemporary U.S. federalism has developed in a way that increase effective public policy performance. Focusing mainly on the period of the past 50 years of U.S. federalism history, this article suggests that federalism dynamics have not exercised either constant liberal or conservative influence on public policy performance. Instead, this article suggests that the clear functional responsibility between the federal government and state and local governments have characterized contemporary U.S. federalism-more federal responsibility for redistribution and more state and local responsibility for development, which in turn increased public policy performance. This feature has been quite substantial since 1970s. As a result, this article suggests that despite the increased complexity of the U.S. federal system, it has evolved in such an appropriate way that would increase the efficiency of federal system by dividing a clear intergovernmental responsibility on major policy platforms.


2021 ◽  
pp. 7-27
Author(s):  
Natalia Lapina ◽  

Since joining the current stage of globalization, France has changed considerably. Shifts occurred in all spheres of society, but they were not synchronous. The most dynamic area – the economy-was the fastest to «react» to France's entry into the global economy. In the social sphere, the changes were slower than in the economy, but they were very profound: they affected the working class, employees, and the middle classes, which were numerically reduced and fragmented. In the mid-1990 s, France's foreign policy began to adapt to the new world order that emerged as a result of the collapse of the USSR. This forced the French political class to reconsider its foreign policy attitudes and «to make lower its ambitions». By the second decade of the twenty-first century, the political landscape of the country had changed: traditional parties had collapsed, and radical populist parties and movements («Unconquered France» of J.-L. Melenchon and «National Union» of M. Le Pen) had become stronger on the left and right flanks. Against the background of these large-scale changes, social protest movements have emerged and intensified in France; the split between society and the elites has acquired unprecedented proportions. To these trends and phenomena, the coronavirus pandemic has been added, which poses a huge number of problems for the country's authorities to solve.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey S. Sutton

The earlier book, 51 Imperfect Solutions, told stories about specific state and federal individual constitutional rights, and explained two benefits of American federalism: how two sources of constitutional protection for liberty and property rights could be valuable to individual freedom and how the state courts could be useful laboratories of innovation when it comes to the development of national constitutional rights. This book tells the other half of the story. Instead of focusing on state constitutional individual rights, it focuses on state constitutional structure. Everything in law and politics, including individual rights, eventually comes back to divisions of power and the evergreen question: Who decides? The goal of this book is to tell the structure side of the story and to identify the shifting balances of power revealed when one accounts for American constitutional law as opposed to just federal constitutional law. Who Decides? contains three main parts—one each on the judicial, executive, and legislative branches—as well as stand-alone chapters on home-rule issues raised by local governments and the benefits and burdens raised by the ease of amending state constitutions. A theme in the book is the increasingly stark divide between the ever-more-democratic nature of state governments and the ever-less-democratic nature of the federal government over time.


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