scholarly journals Personalization 2.0? – Testing the personalization hypothesis in citizens’, journalists’, and politicians’ campaign Twitter communication

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 359-381
Author(s):  
Lukas P. Otto ◽  
Isabella Glogger ◽  
Michaela Maier

Abstract This paper advances the research on personalization of political communication by investigating whether this process of focusing on politicians instead of political issues plays a role on Twitter. Results of a content analysis of 5,530 tweets posted in the run-up to the German federal election provide evidence that Twitter communication refers more often to politicians than to issues. However, tweets containing personal characteristics about political leaders play only a marginal role. When distinguishing among different groups of actors on Twitter (journalists, politicians, citizens), we find that citizens focus more on candidates than do journalists or politicians. Investigating the impact of a televised debate on Twitter communication, we observe that this person-centered event puts the focus on individual politicians instead of issues.

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pyemo N. Afego ◽  
Imhotep P. Alagidede

PurposeThis paper explores how a firm's public stand on a social-political issue can be a salient signal of the firm's values, identity and reputation. In particular, it investigates how boycott participation–conceptualized as a cue of a corporation's stand on important social-political issues–may affect the stock market valuation of that corporation, as well as how corporations legitimise their stand on the issues.Design/methodology/approachThe authors employ a mixed-methods design that uses both qualitative techniques (content analysis) and quantitative methods (event study methodology) to examine a sample of US firms who participated in a boycott campaign that sought to call attention to issues of hate speech, misinformation and discriminatory content on social media platform Facebook.FindingsFindings from the qualitative content analysis of company statements show that firms legitimise their stand on, and participation in, the boycott by expressing altruistic values and suggesting to stakeholders that their stand aligns not only with organizational values/convictions but also with the greater social good. Importantly, the event study results show that firms who publicly announced their intention to participate in the boycott, on average, earn a statistically significant positive abnormal stock return of 2.68% in the four days immediately after their announcements.Research limitations/implicationsFindings relate to a specific case of a boycott campaign. Also, the sample size is limited and restricted to US stocks. The signalling value of corporate social advocacy actions may vary across countries due to institutional and cultural differences. Market reaction may also be different for issues that are more charged than the ones examined in this study. Therefore, future research might investigate other markets, use larger sample sizes and consider a broader range of social-political issues.Practical implicationsThe presence of significant stock price changes for firms that publicly announced their decision to side with activists on the issue of hate propaganda and misinformation offers potentially valuable insights on the timing of trades for investors and arbitrageurs. Insights from the study also provide a practical resource that can be used to inform organizations' decision-making about such issues.Social implicationsTaking the lead to push on social-political issues, such as hate propaganda, discrimination, among others, and communicating their stands in a way that speaks to their values and identity, could be rewarding for companies.Originality/valueThis study provides novel evidence on the impact that corporate stances on important social-political issues can have on stock market valuation of firms and therefore extends the existing related research which until now has focused on the impact on consumer purchasing intent and brand loyalty.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (22) ◽  
pp. 3-23
Author(s):  
Milica Vučković ◽  
Tanja Oblak Črnič

Social media are usually accused of being one of the major forces for personalization of ‏political communication and consequently for depolitization of recent politics. However, personalization ‏seems to stimulate certain users to pay more attention to political issues and to act more responsively to ‏such highly personalized political profiles. This article presents the results of a longitudinal analysis of ‏online presence of Barack Obama to assess his political communication through Facebook. It also answers ‏if presence of emotional appeals and private life cues in the posts have any effect on users’ responses in‏ terms of numbers of their likes, comments and shares. Based on a quantitative analysis of 2804 Facebook ‏posts, published in the period from 2008 to 2016, the results of content analysis revealed that Obama ‏used his Facebook fan page almost exclusively to communicate about political issues instead of his ‏personal life. The analysis also confirmed that a smaller number of posts, which contained emotional ‏appeals or cues from private life had significantly higher numbers of users’ responses than posts that ‏were not emotionalized or privatized. While personalization of Obama’s political figure is part of a wider‏ debate, this study confirms that the presence of private cues and emotional appeals stimulates greater‏ responsiveness from Facebook users.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zandra Alexander

Political branding is an increasingly prominent term in both the academic and industry realms of political communication. Yet much debate has been waging regarding its viability as a concept of study. Some scholars express concern regarding the impact on democratic discourse and voter engagement, while others question its existence beyond a trendy marketing phrase. Before such questions of impact can be explored in-depth, it is important to first determine if political branding can actually be detected and measured as a truly unique form of political communication. The question of political branding as a measurable form of political communication will be explored through the lens of the 2011 Canadian federal election. The study begins by briefly tracing the historical evolution of political communication in post-war democracies. From there, various definitions of the concept are discussed, before moving to some of political branding’s key features. A multimodal content analysis is preformed on 33 television advertisements from the three major political parties participating in the 2011 Canadian federal election in an attempt to discover if branded qualities are present in the advertising content, and if so, to what extent?


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sun Fatayati

The presence of the internet has brought new changes in communication behavior. In the real of the political use of the online media occurs by political leaders to construct their personal branding. Construction personal branding become part of political communication with a variety of functions, for political candidates, are expected to influence and attract voters. The purpose of this study is to analyze the construction of the personal branding of Joko Widodo as candidates for Indonesian President 2014-2019, through online medias by making use of news on online medias. Using content analysis method Hsieh & Shannon dengan pendekatan directed content analysis melalui prosedur induksi.. The research findings in the text indicate that Jokowi perform his personal branding construction.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Raquel Tarullo

The communication that political leaders have performed on social media in recent years demands constant and novel approaches for understanding how politicians interact with their supporters in the digital space. In this sense, the aim of this research is to examine the communication that Argentine political leaders display on Facebook, the most popular social media amongst Argentineans, during a highly polarized and politicized period in the country, taking special attention to the role that emotions play in this digital scenario. Using content analysis of the texts included in the posts, the results of this empirical work demonstrate that, on Facebook, political leaders prefer to communicate emotive messages rather than non-emotive contents and positive emotions rather than negative ones. Besides, hope is not only the most expressed one but also the emotion that generated more interaction among digital political supporters.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zandra Alexander

Political branding is an increasingly prominent term in both the academic and industry realms of political communication. Yet much debate has been waging regarding its viability as a concept of study. Some scholars express concern regarding the impact on democratic discourse and voter engagement, while others question its existence beyond a trendy marketing phrase. Before such questions of impact can be explored in-depth, it is important to first determine if political branding can actually be detected and measured as a truly unique form of political communication. The question of political branding as a measurable form of political communication will be explored through the lens of the 2011 Canadian federal election. The study begins by briefly tracing the historical evolution of political communication in post-war democracies. From there, various definitions of the concept are discussed, before moving to some of political branding’s key features. A multimodal content analysis is preformed on 33 television advertisements from the three major political parties participating in the 2011 Canadian federal election in an attempt to discover if branded qualities are present in the advertising content, and if so, to what extent?


Organizacija ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 306-318
Author(s):  
Maryam Babaei Aghbolagh ◽  
Farzad Sattari Ardabili ◽  
Elena Voitenko

Abstract Background: Most societies have a negative attitude toward gossip and managers are concerned about the impact of gossips on the communication in an organizational environment. Our study examined the perception of gossip, and the context of gossip at different levels of a hospital, a case of organization with high communicational relation among staff. Also, the differences between the gossip context within the organizational context and within the social environment have been considered. Methodology: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 27 informants, 9 in each of three groups: nurses, supervisors and managers of the Hospital. Recorded interviews were analyzed using content analysis, and results for each group of respondents were compared. Finally, the main gossiping issues for each group were categorized. Results: The study revealed that the topics of gossip in a hospital can be divided into eight main categories, and 34 sub-categories all identifiable by special topics. These main topics included confidentiality issues, merits, financial status/standing, personal characteristics, position, communications, biography, and job conditions. In terms of organizational gossip, a person’s merit in the workplace and financial standing were of particular interest to the participants of this study. Also, the gossip topics at different levels among nurses, administrators, and managers had significant differences. Conclusion: Managers should acknowledge different gossip contents among people at different organizational levels, and that employees do not have the same motives for communication at different organizational levels. Additionally, the distances between contents in the Tendency to Gossip Questionnaire and categories in the organizational environment need more studies, to explore precedents and outputs. Managers may use these findings to facilitate organizational change and communication.


Subject The impact of immigration on Germany’s labour market. Significance The concentrated influx of migrants into Germany since mid-2014 has generated acute challenges for the state. There is a tension between the economy's long-term need for immigration to compensate for the country’s ageing and declining population, and the short-term social and political concerns associated with integrating non-European migrants with an Islamic cultural background into German communities. Impacts Pockets of resistance and sporadic acts of hostility against migrants will persist, especially in East Germany. The success of initial local integration efforts will be judged in upcoming regional elections in three federal states. Migration will be an important issue -- though only one of several -- in the run-up to the federal election in September.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel Cargnino ◽  
German Neubaum

The growing significance of social networking sites (SNS) for political communication has been stimulating research on the psychological consequences of virtually conveyed opinion climates. The present research suggests that the exposure to both overly congruent and incongruent opinion climates on SNS can increase opinion strength and selective exposure while decreasing political tolerance. It is proposed that a balance of congruent and incongruent views can mitigate these effects provided that users do not identify with an ideological camp. In a representative pre-registered online experiment (N = 704), the levels of political congruence with an opinion climate on SNS and political social identity were manipulated. Different from what was hypothesized, results revealed very limited effects of political congruence. A salient political social identity decreases tolerance and opinion strength, but only for certain political issues. These results put earlier findings on the impact of opinion climates conveyed by social media into perspective.


1976 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 682-689 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald H. Wagenberg ◽  
Walter C. Soderlund

In the literature dealing with the role of the press in Canadian politics one dimension which has attracted the attention of a number of commentators is the effect that chain ownership of large metropolitan dailies may have on influencing the amount, type, and interpretation of news disseminated to the public. The issue of the effects of chain ownership has been examined empirically in the United States, and studies confirm the hypothesis that chains do indeed influence the editorial positions of member newspapers. This note examines through content analysis the effects of chain ownership on editorial treatment of issues, political institutions, and political leaders in the context of the 1974 election.


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