Impoliteness on the political stage: The case of the 2019 final Macedonian presidential debate

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-304
Author(s):  
Silvana Neshkovska

Abstract Electoral debates are a win-lose game in which the stakes for the political contenders are extremely high. The antagonistic nature of these encounters very frequently results in impoliteness or face aggravating moves with which the debaters aim to hurt the opponent’s positive or negative face. The aim of this research is to investigate the impoliteness strategies employed by politicians during electoral debates. Garcia-Pastor’s (2008) positive-face and negative-face impoliteness strategies are taken as a starting point in the analysis at hand. The final electoral debate of the 2019 presidential elections in the Republic of North Macedonia is used as a data source for this research, which is based on several different hypotheses and is both qualitatively and quantitative oriented. The findings of the research are in line with the insights gained from previous studies, which, more or less, suggests that Macedonian politicians follow the mainstream “rules” when it comes to using impoliteness in political debates.

Author(s):  
Anton KRUTIKOV

For decades, the historical policy in the Republic of Belarus was widely used by the power elites to create new objects of historical memory, new national myths and cultural symbols consolidating the society. Frequent change of historical paradigms, situativity of the Belarusian leadership’s historical policy greatly contributed to the accumulation of crisis potential. After the presidential elections in 2020, the political and cultural schism that had been developing within the society of post-Soviet Belarus for years changed its localization and spread to streets and squares instead of round tables and scientific conferences.


Author(s):  
K. Safronov

In the run-up of the forthcoming presidential election scheduled for the end of 2018 the political situation in the Republic of Madagascar is worsening. The incumbent president Hery Rajaonarimampianina is being accused of possessing levers of influence on judiciary. However, in the author’s opinion, most of the citizens support the president, and the prospects of political development to a significant degree are dependent on the present socioeconomic situation on the island. Risks of mass protests are quite low. The paper acknowledges the effectiveness of economic policy pursued by the executive power. The current financial situation, as a whole, meets expectations, and the positive results of a budget execution are obvious.


Jurnal Besaoh ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 33-41
Author(s):  
Toni Toni ◽  
Yokotani Yokotani

The presidential and vice presidential elections in 2019 became the starting point for the service team to carry out this service because the political participation of Pangkalpinang City was still lower than other regions in Bangka Belitung Province, so that the optimization of political participation in the Pangkalpinang City area must be increased. The methods used are (1) explaining the legal basis, (2) explaining the function of the election, (3) explaining the important elements in organizing elections, (4) counseling is carried out in the form of lectures and interactive discussions, (5) distributing materials. The positive impacts of the implementation of this legal counseling include: (1) knowing technically or electoral procedures: (2) knowing the ethics of election administrators and voters that must be upheld in the implementation of elections: (3) knowing problems that may arise in elections, so that people can prevent this from happening.


Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

The political crisis in Belarus is connected with the society’s demand for change. The main reason for the mass protests after the presidential elections was the lack of confidence in the electoral system of the republic. The recent history of the republic has not yet known such an intense and long protest marathon. Nevertheless by the beginning of 2021, the protest potential was almost exhausted. In the republic, the preparation of a constitutional reform for the implementation of the transit of power has begun.


Author(s):  
A. Suzdaltsev

The article analyzes the role of the Russian policy, President and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in trying to find a way out of the Belarusian political crisis and to preserve the political stability in the Republic of Belarus. The key drivers for the protest voting during the August 9, 2020 presidential elections are analyzed, as well as the role of Russia-Belarus integration as a factor influencing attitudes of the Belarusian electorate. Moscow’s reaction to the anti-Russian presidential campaign of Alexander Lukashenko and reasons why Russia recognized the results of voting on 9 August 2020 are explored. Efforts by Russian authorities to promote the constitutional reform in Belarus are addressed. The article also analyses a specter of views of the Russian researchers on the Belarus-Russia relations.


Author(s):  
Sergey Borisovich Glushachenko

The subject of this article is the comparison of the legislation of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan with regards to regulation of the establishment and activity of political parties. Multi-party system became a new phenomenon for both countries at the turn of the XXI century, and one of the tasks faced by the states consisted in its proper normative regulation. History of the countries did not provide adequate source material for the establishment of genuine multi-party system. The political parties basically functioned in the atmosphere of legal vacuum, which attached the attributes of chaos to the political life. Despite the common starting point along with the external similarity of party system in Russia and Kazakhstan, the legislation on parties has national specificity. Kazakhstan's legislation at the constitutional level enshrines the importance of parties for public life of the country. The first law on political parties was adopted in 1996, while the effective law has a different conceptual framework – it arguably became the product of evolution of the party system and corresponds with its current state. Russian legislation on political parties has a shorter history, and clearly is in a formative stage, which is testified by a number of amendments made to the corresponding federal law. However, the legislation of both Russia and Kazakhstan has a number of advantages that should be considered in further improvement of the normative legal base, which is especially relevant in a time of political transformation that affected both countries.


Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

The protest activity after the presidential elections in 2020 caused a large-scale internal political crisis in Belarus. Currently, preparation for a constitutional reform is at the center of the political agenda in the republic. This scenario of an internal political settlement should create conditions for the transfer of power. Western sanctions against the Belarusian leadership have intensified the integration process within the Union State.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Husik Ghulyan

Russian Abstract: Цель статьи выявление и интерпретация географических особенностей национально-консервативных электоральных предпочтений населения в Республике Армения. Для этого анализировалось структура политического пространства РА в 1998-2007 гг. и существование в этом пространстве политических сил разных идеологических ориентаций. В политическом пространстве РА как основные национал-консервативные силы приняв РПА и АРФ Дашнакцутюн, анализировалось итоги участия этих сил в парламентских и президентских выборах 1998-2007гг.В итоге с помощью сопоставления и пространство-временного анализа итогов парламентских и президентских выборов, автор пришел к выводу, что в РА от северо-запада республики (Ширак) к юго-востоку (Сюник) просматривается постепенное (градиентное) повышение уровня национально-консервативных электоральных предпочтений населения.English Abstract: This article aims to reveal and analyze the geographical features of nationalist-conservative electoral preferences of the population in the Republic of Armenia. For this purpose, the structure of the political landscape of Armenia in the period of 1998-2007 and the existence of political parties of various ideological orientations have been analyzed. In the paper, Republican Party of Armenia and ARF Dashnaktsutyun have been considered as the major nationalist-conservative political forces, and the voting for these parties during the parliamentary and presidential elections of 1998-2007 period has been elaborated. As a result of comparative and spatiotemporal analysis, the paper concludes that in Armenia there is a gradual increase of the level of nationalist-conservative electoral preferences of the population from the northwest (Shirak) to the southeast (Syunik) of the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-122
Author(s):  
Dean Hammer

Abstract My starting point is a fundamental paradox that lies at the heart of the slow demise of the Roman Republic: why does the system collapse when, as many scholars have noted, there is nothing that suggests that there was ever an intention by anyone to overthrow the Republic? Understanding this paradox is key to identifying what Rome might have to say to us today. What changes in the final decades of the Roman Republic is a declining view of the ability of political institutions to project the community into the future. This change is due to important alterations in the norms that provide the background context by which individuals working through institutions can get things done. The changes in these norms not only disable these institutions, making them seem less capable of projecting the community into the future, but also make possible alterations in the political framework that might have been inconceivable before. In particular, one sees the elevation of individuals who offer solutions by promising to bypass those ineffective and unresponsive institutions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-235
Author(s):  
Yury Korgunyuk

Abstract The article analyzes the weak points of the Manifesto Project’s methodology, such as its emphasis on issue salience, instead of issue positions; bringing the content of manifestos under too broad categories formulated at the beginning of the project; not quite the appropriate technique of factor analysis etc. An alternative methodology is proposed that focuses on party positions on issues which generate the largest polarization in the political space. It also enriches the empirical base of the studies and adjusts the technique of factor analysis. In order to reveal political cleavages inside these dimensions, the so called electoral cleavages (factors of territorial differences in voting for various parties) are taken as a starting point: factor loadings of parties in the electoral and political spaces are compared through correlation and regression analyses. The proposed methodology is applied to an analysis of election results in Russia (2016) and Germany (2017).


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