scholarly journals Belarus is Waiting for Changes

Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

The protest activity after the presidential elections in 2020 caused a large-scale internal political crisis in Belarus. Currently, preparation for a constitutional reform is at the center of the political agenda in the republic. This scenario of an internal political settlement should create conditions for the transfer of power. Western sanctions against the Belarusian leadership have intensified the integration process within the Union State.

Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

The political crisis in Belarus is connected with the society’s demand for change. The main reason for the mass protests after the presidential elections was the lack of confidence in the electoral system of the republic. The recent history of the republic has not yet known such an intense and long protest marathon. Nevertheless by the beginning of 2021, the protest potential was almost exhausted. In the republic, the preparation of a constitutional reform for the implementation of the transit of power has begun.


Author(s):  
A. Suzdaltsev

The article analyzes the role of the Russian policy, President and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in trying to find a way out of the Belarusian political crisis and to preserve the political stability in the Republic of Belarus. The key drivers for the protest voting during the August 9, 2020 presidential elections are analyzed, as well as the role of Russia-Belarus integration as a factor influencing attitudes of the Belarusian electorate. Moscow’s reaction to the anti-Russian presidential campaign of Alexander Lukashenko and reasons why Russia recognized the results of voting on 9 August 2020 are explored. Efforts by Russian authorities to promote the constitutional reform in Belarus are addressed. The article also analyses a specter of views of the Russian researchers on the Belarus-Russia relations.


Significance With momentum stalled on negotiations to amend the 2015 political settlement for implementation, the UN has focused instead on preparing for new parliamentary and presidential elections before the end of 2018 as a solution to the political crisis in Libya. Impacts Despite UN plans, elections are unlikely to take place before 2019. Failure to recognise the importance of sequencing risks perpetuating Libya’s anarchic transition period. Sustained oil sector recovery will not entice foreign investment back without a unified government.


2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-151
Author(s):  
N. A. Baranov ◽  
Sevgi Kok

Kazakhstan, like most of the multi-ethnic post-Soviet states, in the course of state building, faced the problem of rallying the peoples living in the Republic. Two interrelated projects were being implemented on the political agenda of Kazakhstan: the construction of state institutions and the formation of a civil nation. In a multi-ethnic state, the project of a civil nation is difficult due to the attempts of the titular ethnic group to obtain additional advantages, which causes tension in interethnic relations. The identification of the population, often, occurs by ethnicity, therefore, the policy of civic identity in Kazakhstan is opposed to the “Kazakhization” of language, culture, and social practices. Nevertheless, the process of unification of the nation is successfully developing in the Republic, initiated by the political elite of Kazakhstan. Achievement of national unity was declared a strategic priority in the development of the country. The article analyzes the factors affecting collective identity in the Republic of Kazakhstan: demographic diversity, language policy, state symbols. The article concludes that Kazakhstan is building its statehood based on the domination of the Kazakh ethnic elite, while pursuing a policy of uniting different ethnic groups into a single Kazakh nation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-185
Author(s):  
Marina Andeva

This article addresses minority politics and rights protection in the Republic of Macedonia, through scrutiny of key developments and events during 2015. The main events relate to the existing political situation in the country, minority party politics and dynamics, and the implementation process of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA). Although it has been more than a decade since the OFA, the Macedonian system is still fragile and subject to further modifications; experts often discuss the need for its ‘revision’ or ‘review’. The major focus of this article is put specifically on the OFA and the discussions on its review.


Significance The investigation into the assassination of prominent journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia has taken a dramatic turn with the interrogation of senior Maltese government officials, the arraignment of a prominent business tycoon and the prime minister’s announcement that he will resign in January. Impacts Investigation of Caruana Galizia’s murder and large-scale corruption on government contracts will continue apace with unpredictable results. State institutions’ independence and government corruption will remain in the international spotlight. Malta will continue to come under significant scrutiny in EU institutions. Investigations into lucrative government contracts signed under the Labour administration will gain momentum and others may be opened. The political crisis will prove detrimental to business confidence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Sokol Pacukaj ◽  
Renata Tokrri

The last years of Albanian parliamentary life were marked by a profound crisis. The parliament, not only had the task of managing a constitutional reform that brought the entire judicial system to its knees, transforming the vetting process into a reform with uncertain results, but also the political crisis, or rather the political-institutional stalemate for leaving the mandates of opposition parliamentarians.The failure to reach the quorum provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, it raises considerable controversy over the legitimacy of the supreme authority and therefore on the legitimacy of institutions that depend on parliamentary votes, such as the election of constitutional judges. At the same time, when the "united opposition" left parliament, the new opposition was trying to keep up with parliamentary dialectics. Moreover, in recent years of parliamentary "identity crisis", the majority have resembled a "group of soldiers" under the command of the Prime Minister. Clearly, Parliament has weakened, lost its value, leading to a strengthening of the executive power, more precisely a strengthening of the figure of the head of government. Without a doubt, the crisis of Parliament translates into an inability of the people's representatives to solve the problems that are present in civil society. Consequently, the crisis of Parliament means a "silent people", a "mute people".The purpose of this document is the constitutional-philosophical analysis of historical memory of the role of Parliament in Albania from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. Perhaps historical memory is the key to reading the present and to better understand the crisis that Albanian Parliament has been going through in recent years.   Received: 4 March 2021 / Accepted: 6 May 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021


Author(s):  
A. Shurubovich

The article examines development of economic situation in Belarus in the period of political instability connected with the presidential elections on August 9, 2020 and mass protests against supposed falsification of their results. Condition of the Byelorussian economy on the eve of political crisis is presented including major directions of influence of this crisis on the economy; growth of financial instability, strikes at enterprises, skilled personnel drain, sanction pressure on the part of the West. It is shown that the political crisis in the RB, despite many forecasts, has not provoked so far an economic chock in the country, but in a long-term perspective it may have serious negative consequences. Therefore achievement of high economic indices projected by the country’s leadership in the near future seems highly problematic.


Author(s):  
Anton KRUTIKOV

For decades, the historical policy in the Republic of Belarus was widely used by the power elites to create new objects of historical memory, new national myths and cultural symbols consolidating the society. Frequent change of historical paradigms, situativity of the Belarusian leadership’s historical policy greatly contributed to the accumulation of crisis potential. After the presidential elections in 2020, the political and cultural schism that had been developing within the society of post-Soviet Belarus for years changed its localization and spread to streets and squares instead of round tables and scientific conferences.


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