scholarly journals At the Intersection of Gogol and Sovetskaya. Problems of Historical Policy in the Republic of Belarus, 2000-2020

Author(s):  
Anton KRUTIKOV

For decades, the historical policy in the Republic of Belarus was widely used by the power elites to create new objects of historical memory, new national myths and cultural symbols consolidating the society. Frequent change of historical paradigms, situativity of the Belarusian leadership’s historical policy greatly contributed to the accumulation of crisis potential. After the presidential elections in 2020, the political and cultural schism that had been developing within the society of post-Soviet Belarus for years changed its localization and spread to streets and squares instead of round tables and scientific conferences.

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Sokol Pacukaj ◽  
Renata Tokrri

The last years of Albanian parliamentary life were marked by a profound crisis. The parliament, not only had the task of managing a constitutional reform that brought the entire judicial system to its knees, transforming the vetting process into a reform with uncertain results, but also the political crisis, or rather the political-institutional stalemate for leaving the mandates of opposition parliamentarians.The failure to reach the quorum provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, it raises considerable controversy over the legitimacy of the supreme authority and therefore on the legitimacy of institutions that depend on parliamentary votes, such as the election of constitutional judges. At the same time, when the "united opposition" left parliament, the new opposition was trying to keep up with parliamentary dialectics. Moreover, in recent years of parliamentary "identity crisis", the majority have resembled a "group of soldiers" under the command of the Prime Minister. Clearly, Parliament has weakened, lost its value, leading to a strengthening of the executive power, more precisely a strengthening of the figure of the head of government. Without a doubt, the crisis of Parliament translates into an inability of the people's representatives to solve the problems that are present in civil society. Consequently, the crisis of Parliament means a "silent people", a "mute people".The purpose of this document is the constitutional-philosophical analysis of historical memory of the role of Parliament in Albania from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. Perhaps historical memory is the key to reading the present and to better understand the crisis that Albanian Parliament has been going through in recent years.   Received: 4 March 2021 / Accepted: 6 May 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021


Author(s):  
K. Safronov

In the run-up of the forthcoming presidential election scheduled for the end of 2018 the political situation in the Republic of Madagascar is worsening. The incumbent president Hery Rajaonarimampianina is being accused of possessing levers of influence on judiciary. However, in the author’s opinion, most of the citizens support the president, and the prospects of political development to a significant degree are dependent on the present socioeconomic situation on the island. Risks of mass protests are quite low. The paper acknowledges the effectiveness of economic policy pursued by the executive power. The current financial situation, as a whole, meets expectations, and the positive results of a budget execution are obvious.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-304
Author(s):  
Silvana Neshkovska

Abstract Electoral debates are a win-lose game in which the stakes for the political contenders are extremely high. The antagonistic nature of these encounters very frequently results in impoliteness or face aggravating moves with which the debaters aim to hurt the opponent’s positive or negative face. The aim of this research is to investigate the impoliteness strategies employed by politicians during electoral debates. Garcia-Pastor’s (2008) positive-face and negative-face impoliteness strategies are taken as a starting point in the analysis at hand. The final electoral debate of the 2019 presidential elections in the Republic of North Macedonia is used as a data source for this research, which is based on several different hypotheses and is both qualitatively and quantitative oriented. The findings of the research are in line with the insights gained from previous studies, which, more or less, suggests that Macedonian politicians follow the mainstream “rules” when it comes to using impoliteness in political debates.


Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

The political crisis in Belarus is connected with the society’s demand for change. The main reason for the mass protests after the presidential elections was the lack of confidence in the electoral system of the republic. The recent history of the republic has not yet known such an intense and long protest marathon. Nevertheless by the beginning of 2021, the protest potential was almost exhausted. In the republic, the preparation of a constitutional reform for the implementation of the transit of power has begun.


Author(s):  
A. Suzdaltsev

The article analyzes the role of the Russian policy, President and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in trying to find a way out of the Belarusian political crisis and to preserve the political stability in the Republic of Belarus. The key drivers for the protest voting during the August 9, 2020 presidential elections are analyzed, as well as the role of Russia-Belarus integration as a factor influencing attitudes of the Belarusian electorate. Moscow’s reaction to the anti-Russian presidential campaign of Alexander Lukashenko and reasons why Russia recognized the results of voting on 9 August 2020 are explored. Efforts by Russian authorities to promote the constitutional reform in Belarus are addressed. The article also analyses a specter of views of the Russian researchers on the Belarus-Russia relations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 597-612
Author(s):  
Irena Khokholova ◽  
Natalya Danilova ◽  
Marina Kysylbaikova ◽  
Kyunney Pestereva ◽  
Alina Vasileva ◽  
...  

Aim. The aim of the research is to study the symbolic capital of northern cities (semiotic potential) contained in "urban texts" and the influence of the historical memory of a multiethnic region on the political process of the region and the country as a whole, through a comprehensive and interdisciplinary study of the symbolic space of cities in the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). Methods. The study used the cognitive approach, the method of space-time analysis, and the method of historicism and questionnaire survey. Symbolic space as a text is a heterogeneous content. Results. The results of the study show the importance of a symbolic resource as a brand tool, first, depending on the political context and introduction into the collective memory through a constant "reminder" of its importance and significance in the socio-cultural and everyday life of citizens. The resulting databases of monuments served as the basis for compiling a virtual album of monuments and art objects in the cities of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). The research results can practically be applied in the field of education, politics, culture, in the study and promotion of the cultural and historical heritage of the regions of Russia. Conclusions. The urgent problem is the task of preserving the accumulated experience and values, places of memory, relics of the past, as well as ideas about the past that are stored in the memory of its inhabitants and the transfer of this knowledge to the younger generation.


Author(s):  
S. Astakhova

The protest activity after the presidential elections in 2020 caused a large-scale internal political crisis in Belarus. Currently, preparation for a constitutional reform is at the center of the political agenda in the republic. This scenario of an internal political settlement should create conditions for the transfer of power. Western sanctions against the Belarusian leadership have intensified the integration process within the Union State.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Husik Ghulyan

Russian Abstract: Цель статьи выявление и интерпретация географических особенностей национально-консервативных электоральных предпочтений населения в Республике Армения. Для этого анализировалось структура политического пространства РА в 1998-2007 гг. и существование в этом пространстве политических сил разных идеологических ориентаций. В политическом пространстве РА как основные национал-консервативные силы приняв РПА и АРФ Дашнакцутюн, анализировалось итоги участия этих сил в парламентских и президентских выборах 1998-2007гг.В итоге с помощью сопоставления и пространство-временного анализа итогов парламентских и президентских выборов, автор пришел к выводу, что в РА от северо-запада республики (Ширак) к юго-востоку (Сюник) просматривается постепенное (градиентное) повышение уровня национально-консервативных электоральных предпочтений населения.English Abstract: This article aims to reveal and analyze the geographical features of nationalist-conservative electoral preferences of the population in the Republic of Armenia. For this purpose, the structure of the political landscape of Armenia in the period of 1998-2007 and the existence of political parties of various ideological orientations have been analyzed. In the paper, Republican Party of Armenia and ARF Dashnaktsutyun have been considered as the major nationalist-conservative political forces, and the voting for these parties during the parliamentary and presidential elections of 1998-2007 period has been elaborated. As a result of comparative and spatiotemporal analysis, the paper concludes that in Armenia there is a gradual increase of the level of nationalist-conservative electoral preferences of the population from the northwest (Shirak) to the southeast (Syunik) of the country.


Author(s):  
Oleh PIH

The article highlights the political relations between the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation in the second half of the 1990s and the first five years of the 21st century. An analysis of the foreign policy relations between the two countries during this period affirms that their dialogue was mainly conflicting due to different visions of the geopolitical situation and forming a security system in the Central and Eastern Europe region. Fearing the restoration of Russian dominance in the former socialist camp, Poland sought to join Euro-Atlantic and European Union's structures. At the same time, Russia assessed the process of NATO enlargement, which Warsaw actively support, as a threat to its national interests. These two positions led to a permanent worsening of bilateral relations. The Kremlin also aimed to resolve all controversial issues through relations with the United States and Western countries, not perceiving Poland as an equal partner. It has been found out that the Polish authorities were considering the possibility of establishing relations with Russia through the development of trade and economic relations and solving problems in the field of historical memory. Significant changes for warming in relations appeared when Russian President Vladimir Putin proclaimed the course of Europeanization of the Russian Federation and its rapprochement with Euro-Atlantic structures in the first years of the 21st century. However, a new factor in the worsening of relations was the political struggle between Warsaw and Moscow to influence Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, the Orange Revolution events showed the significant involvement of both countries in Ukraine's processes and the desire to gain a dominant influence in resolving the political crisis. At the same time, the victory of the Polish-backed forces meant a geopolitical defeat for the Kremlin and thus created a serious conflict in bilateral communication. Keywords: Republic of Poland, Russian Federation, NATO, foreign policy, geopolitics.


2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


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