scholarly journals Բնակչության Ազգայնական-Պահպանողական Ընտրական Կողմնորոշումների Աշխարհագրական Առանձնահատկությունները Հայաստանի Հանրապետությունում

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Husik Ghulyan

Russian Abstract: Цель статьи выявление и интерпретация географических особенностей национально-консервативных электоральных предпочтений населения в Республике Армения. Для этого анализировалось структура политического пространства РА в 1998-2007 гг. и существование в этом пространстве политических сил разных идеологических ориентаций. В политическом пространстве РА как основные национал-консервативные силы приняв РПА и АРФ Дашнакцутюн, анализировалось итоги участия этих сил в парламентских и президентских выборах 1998-2007гг.В итоге с помощью сопоставления и пространство-временного анализа итогов парламентских и президентских выборов, автор пришел к выводу, что в РА от северо-запада республики (Ширак) к юго-востоку (Сюник) просматривается постепенное (градиентное) повышение уровня национально-консервативных электоральных предпочтений населения.English Abstract: This article aims to reveal and analyze the geographical features of nationalist-conservative electoral preferences of the population in the Republic of Armenia. For this purpose, the structure of the political landscape of Armenia in the period of 1998-2007 and the existence of political parties of various ideological orientations have been analyzed. In the paper, Republican Party of Armenia and ARF Dashnaktsutyun have been considered as the major nationalist-conservative political forces, and the voting for these parties during the parliamentary and presidential elections of 1998-2007 period has been elaborated. As a result of comparative and spatiotemporal analysis, the paper concludes that in Armenia there is a gradual increase of the level of nationalist-conservative electoral preferences of the population from the northwest (Shirak) to the southeast (Syunik) of the country.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Husik Ghulyan

Russian Abstract: Цель статьи выявление и интерпретация географических особенностей либерально-демократических электоральных предпочтений населения в Республике Армения. Для этого анализировалось структура политического пространства РА в 1998-2008гг. и существование в этом пространстве политических сил разных идеологических ориентаций. Для выявления географических особенностей либерально-демократических электоральных предпочтений населения, анализировалось результаты участия либерально-демократических политических сил (партий и кандидатов) в президентских и парламентских выборах последнего десятилетия. В итоге с помощью сопоставления и пространство-временного анализа итогов парламентских и президентских выборов, автор пришел к выводу, что в РА при голосовании за либерально-демократических политических сил существует раскол 'север-юг' при котором население северных регионов (марзов) голосует преимущественно за либерально-демократических политических сил, а население южных регионов голосует преимущественно за национально-консервативных политических сил.English Abstract: The purpose of this article is to reveal and analyze the general geographical features of liberal-democratic electoral preferences of the population in the Republic of Armenia, therefore, the structure of political landscape of RA for 1998-2008 period and the existence of political forces with different ideological orientation in this landscape has been analyzed. In order to reveal the geographical features of liberal-democratic electoral preferences of the population, the voting for liberal-democratic political forces at presidential and parliamentary elections of the last decade have been analyzed. As a result of the comparative and spatiotemporal analysis, the papers concludes that in RA in the voting for liberal-democratic political forces there is a north-south 'cleavage', namely the population of northern regions votes mainly for liberal-democratic political forces, while the population of the southern regions mainly votes for national-conservative ones.


Author(s):  
Angela Alonso

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.


2012 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rui Graça Feijó

Timor-Leste rose to independence following a path that included three electoral processes organized under the auspices of the UN and has thus got elections imprinted on its own genetic code. After independence, the responsibility for electoral processes – a key aspect of the sovereignty of the Timorese people – was passed to the nation's authorities, who organized two full rounds of presidential and legislative elections in 2007 and 2012 with the assistance of the international community. This effort constitutes a major element in the process of granting the new regime internal and external legitimacy and at the same time is a response both to citizens’ perception of the political game in order to secure their empowerment and to the call for transparent, internationally acknowledged procedures. Initially, this essay analyses the legal and administrative framework for Timorese elections, bearing these competing requirements in mind. It then focuses on the 2012 elections: first, on the two rounds of presidential elections, including the intricate relationship between presidential candidacies and political parties, and then on the results of the legislative poll, which had a major impact on the political landscape. The final section deals with the challenges that lie ahead for the coming political cycle (2012–2017).


2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (113) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tserennadmid Chuluunbaatar

This article discusses the origins and development of political parties in the Republic of Turkey, the political forces in Turkey during Ataturk's period, and the political turmoil in Turkey during the second half of the XX century. The article includes detailed research on the struggle for the survival, in some cases, the forced closure of certain political parties and groups in Turkey, a country with a distinctive Islamic and Western oriented society. In this regards, this article aims to explain in detail, how the method of operation was followed, what political parties and groups have been emerged, what positions do they occupy in the political system, how did they affect social and political spheres, structure, organizational characteristics of Turkey. The topic was selected explore the following facts and factors: at first, to show the reasons and historical circumstances of the formation of the first political party, to identify the role and places of parties in the political and social life, thirdly, to clarify the reasons for the formation of a multi-party system; Fourth, it sets out the specifics of the development of major political parties in Turkey since 1990s. Бүгд Найрамдах Турк Улс дахь улс төрийн намын үүсэл, хөгжил Хураангуй: Энэхүү өгүүлэлд Бүгд Найрамдах Турк улс (БНТУ) дахь улс төрийн намуудын үүсэл, хөгжлийн талаар тэр дундаа Бүгд Найрамдах улс байгуулсан цаг үе буюу дотоод улс төрийн амьдралд М.К.Ататуркээр удирдуулсан улс төрийн хүчнээс гадна үзэл, хандлагаараа ялгаатай нийгмийн бүлгүүд үүсэж, оршин байхын төлөө тэмцэж, зарим тохиолдолд хүчээр хаагдах хүртэл олон үйл явдал өрнөсөн, өвөрмөц үеийг сонгон судлахыг зорив.Исламын шашинтай боловч барууны чиг баримжаатай хөгжлийн зам сонгосон Турк улсын хувьд чухамхүү улс төрийн нам, олон намын тогтолцоо бүрэлдэн бий болсон түүхэн үйл явцтай холбогдох архив болон судалгааны мэдээлэл түлхүү ашиглалаа.Ингэхдээ БНТУ-ын түүхийн чухам хэдий үед улс төрийн ямар нам, бүлэг бий болж, дотоод улс төрийн амьдралд ямар байр суурь эзэлж, хэрхэн нөлөөлж, ямар нийгмийн бааз суурь, бүтэц бүрэлдэхүүн, зохион байгуулалтын шинж төрх, улс төрийн үйл ажиллагааны арга хэлбэрийг мөрдөж байсан талаар тайлбарлалаа.Сэдвийг сонгож авахдаа: нэгдүгээрт, Турк улсад сонгодог утгаараа улс төрийн анхны нам үүссэн шалтгаан, түүхэн нөхцөлийг харуулах, хоёрдугаарт, ХХ зууны Туркийн улс төрийн намын үйл ажиллагааг зохицуулж байсан хууль, эрх зүйн орчны онцлогийг харуулах гуравдугаарт, олон намын тогтолцоо үүсэн, бүрэлдсэн нөхцөлийг тодотгох, дөрөвдүгээрт, 1990 оноос хойших Туркийн улс төрийн намын тогтолцооны төлөвшил, онцлогийг харуулах зорилтуудыг дэвшүүлсэн болно. Түлхүүр үгс: Улс төрийн нам, үзэл суртал, хөгжлийн хандлага, сэтгэлгээний түүх, түүхийн үечлэл


wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


Author(s):  
I. Semenenko ◽  
G. Irishin

The economic crisis of 2008–2009 highlighted new problems in the development of the German social market economy model and brought to the forefront the factors of its resilience that have ensured Germany’s leadership positions in the EU. Changes in economic policy have affected in the first place the energy and the financial sectors. Shifts in the political landscape have led to the appearance of new political parties. These changes have affected the results of the 2013 elections, the liberal democrats failure to enter the Bundestag has made the winner – CDU – seek new coalition partners.


Author(s):  
I. V. Smirnova

Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector) as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse) is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain).


2013 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Vincent Duclert

The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing political families, determining the meaning and practice of institutions. Thence, the question is to understand what defines these two political fields and what history brings to their knowledge since the French Revolution, or they are implemented


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