scholarly journals Transylvanian Saxon Charms as Part of Old Germanic Folklore

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-40
Author(s):  
Andrea Bargan

Abstract The present article deals with archaic pieces of folklore, namely with Transylvanian Saxon (TS) charms recorded in the 19th century. The author, herself a speaker of the TS dialect, translated a number of those charms into English and added comments that were meant to indicate connections with similar pieces of the same genre recorded in Germany and England in early medieval times.


1966 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 82-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. A. Bullough

Prefatory Note.—My interest in Pavia goes back at least to 1951 when I was elected Rome Scholar in Medieval Studies. I began seriously to collect material for the history of the city in the early Middle Ages in the winter and spring of 1953 when I enjoyed the warm hospitality of the Collegio Ghislieri, thanks to the efforts made on my behalf by the late Hugh Last, to whose memory this article is dedicated. The published proceedings of the Reichenau and Spoleto congresses on ‘The early medieval town’ in the 1950s clearly underlined the need for detailed studies of particular towns; but the lack of adequate archaeological evidence discouraged me from attempting such a study of early medieval Pavia. In 1964, however, Dr. A. Peroni, Director of the Museo Civico invited me to read a supplementary paper on this topic to the Convegno di Studio sul Centro Storico di Pavia held in the Università degli Studi at Pavia on July 4th and 5th of that year. The present article is an amplified and corrected version of that paper: I have made no substantial alterations to my account of the ‘urbanistica’ of early medieval Pavia—written for an audience of architects and art-historians as well as of historians—but have dealt more fully with the social history of the city in this period. Professor Richard Krautheimer read a draft of the revised version and made some pointed and helpful comments. I am greatly indebted to Dr. Peroni, not merely for the invitation to present the original paper but also for supplying illustrations and answering queries at a time when he and his staff were engaged in helping to repair the ravages of the Florence floods.



T oung Pao ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 98 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 295-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxim Korolkov

Since the 1930s, Chinese archaeologists have discovered a number of inscribed wooden tablets from the early Han to the Western Jin, which were identified as “greeting tablets” of two types, ci 刺 and ye 謁. As attested in transmitted accounts, these tablets played an important role in the communicative etiquette of early imperial and early medieval officialdom; during a meeting ceremony, they were presented by the guest to the host. The present article offers a systematic survey of the available corpus of excavated greeting tablets and explores their wider socio-cultural implications. As a component of the communicative etiquette of the bureaucracy, greeting tablets were instrumental in the adaptation of elements of aristocratic culture to the needs of mass officialdom—a new social stratum that in terms of cultural background differed fundamentally from the hereditary aristocracy of the pre-imperial era but occupied a comparable position as a social and political elite.
Depuis les années 1930 les archéologues chinois ont découvert de nombreuses tablettes de bois inscrites datant du début des Han jusqu’aux Jin occidentaux, qui ont été identifiées comme étant des « tablettes de salutation ». Il en existe deux types, les ci 刺 et les ye 謁. Comme l’attestent les textes transmis, ces tablettes jouaient un rôle important dans l’étiquette régissant les communications entre fonctionnaires dans la période impériale ancienne et au début de l’époque médiévale: l’hôte les présentait à l’invité au cours du cérémonial marquant leur rencontre. Cet article propose un inventaire systématique du corpus des tablettes de salutation découvertes dans les fouilles et s’intéresse plus généralement à leurs implications socio-culturelles. Partie intégrante de l’étiquette des communications, ces tablettes ont joué leur rôle dans l’adaptation de certains éléments de la culture aristocratique aux besoins de la masse des fonctionnaires, autrement dit d’un groupe social nouveau dont le fonds culturel différait fondamentalement de celui de l’aristocratie héréditaire mais dont la position en tant qu’élite sociale et politique était comparable.



2014 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-335
Author(s):  
Dominic Steavu

The present article examines how classical, early medieval and medieval Taoist sources theorise inequality as an outcome of cosmogonic processes, and how these same sources project eliminating inequality through a reversal of those processes. The first part of the article considers utopias from the Laozi daode jing [Formula: see text] (Laozi’s Scripture on the Way and its Virtue) and Zhuangzi [Formula: see text] (Book of Master Zhuang) and from the early medieval writings of Ji Kang [Formula: see text] (223–262) and Bao Jingyan [Formula: see text] (3rd to early 4th centuries). From these, a number of themes common to Taoist utopias emerge, namely communitarian primitivism, the condemnation of knowledge, and the endorsement of a de-civilising programme of cosmogonic reversion which aims for a return to the golden age of natural spontaneity. The second part of the article is devoted to the mature utopian vision of the ninth-century Wunengzi [Formula: see text] (The Incapable Master). In addition to elaborating on previous themes, the Wunengzi contributes two new ideas to Taoist utopian discourse: first, the distinction between intelligence, which develops naturally, and human knowledge, which is an artificial contrivance; and second, the conviction that an ideal society is achievable through engagement with existing political structures. The conclusion examines basic similarities between Taoist utopias and early modern to modern European counterparts, challenging the validity of Eurocentric notions of a ‘Taoist anarchism’.



2004 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 548-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vijaya Ramaswamy

AbstractThis article situates Vishwakarma craftsmen in the socio-economic milieu of early medieval Peninsular India. It seeks to analyse the dynamics of social change among craft groups with particular reference to the smiths, masons and carpenters constituting the Vishwakarma community. This is attempted by locating the dynamics of social change within the processes of temple building and urbanism in the Chola-Pallava period. The essay looks afresh at concepts like caste, guild and community in the speci fic context of technological and economic changes and craft mobility. In so doing the article cuts across conceptual categories in the light of empirical evidence. The study is based on epigraphic evidence, essentially from the Tamil country. Le présent article situe les artisans Vishwakarma dans le milieu socio-économique au début de la période médiévale de l'Inde péninsulaire. Il cherche à analyser la dynamique du changement social parmi les groupes d'artisans plus particulièrement les forgerons, maçons et menuisiers / ébénistes, bref ceux qui constituent la communauté Vishwakarma. Ce travail est effectué en situant la dynamique de l'évolution sociale au sein des divers processus de la construction des temples durant la période Chola-Pallava. L'article propose un nouveau regard sur les concepts tels que caste, association/corps de métier et communauté dans le contexte des progrès technologiques et économiques ainsi que la mobilité de l'artisanat. Cet essai va à l'encontre des catégories conceptuelles à la lumière des preuves empiriques. L'étude est basée sur des preuves épigraphiques du pays de Tamil Nadu.



1970 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
R.K.K Rajarajan

The Āḻvārs in their hymns, the Nālāyirativviyappirapantam, have listed 108 sacred venues or centers of worship of Viṣṇu in the Indian subcontinent, called divyadeśa. The 108 are brought under certain topographical segmentations such as Malaināḍu (Kerala), Pāṇḍinaḍu (south of River Kāviri), Cōḻanāḍu (Kāviri delta), Vaṭanāḍu (North India) and so on. Among these 18 are found in the Pāṇḍya country. The hymns present a cavalcade of data bearing on these sthala/kṣetras, dealing with the Mūrti, tīrtha, vkṣa, ecology, landscape, flora and fauna, pūjās and utsavas, mythologies bearing on Viṣṇu and so on. The impact of the Vedas and Sanskritic purāṇas such as the Harivaṃśa and Viṣṇu Purāṇa may be found in them. Besides, the Āḻvārs have recast the theme to the Tamil taste to suit the local cultural traditions. The present article presents a summary of data bearing on the 18 divyadeśas, trying to locate the roots in an ancient poem, called Paripāṭal. The date of the Āḻvārs is briefly discussed. Among the twelve only seven have extolled the divyadeśas in Pāṇḍināḍu. Of the 24 integral wings of the Nālāyiram eleven talk of these sthalas. The Āḻvārs have presented a picture of the deśas as they found these around the 6th-9th century CE. Later the temples under study have developed at the hands of the successive rulers of the land down to the 18th century CE. The photographic evidences we have presented relate to such a later phase while in some cases such as Tirumeyyam the early medieval rock-cut temples and images are to be found. The text is supported by maps and photographic evidences.



2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-57
Author(s):  
Subrata Kumar Acharya

Collective land grants to the brāhmaṇas by the ruling authorities were a common feature in early medieval India. It was the usual practice to specify the number of brāhmaṇas receiving land, along with their personal names, gotras, Vedic affiliations and respective shares. But there are examples where these details are not furnished. Besides, there are quite a large number of instances where the brāhmaṇas of a single family received land grants collectively. The number of recipients varied and sometimes several thousands were given land grants in the same locality. There are a number of reasons why the brāhmaṇas were granted land collectively. Scholars like R.S. Sharma and B.P. Mazumdar, who have worked on this aspect and mostly examined the North Indian inscriptions, marshaled their own arguments. While the former situated them in the context of agrarian expansion and tribal acculturation, the latter viewed them largely as strategic moves of the kings for defending the frontiers of their kingdoms. In the present article an attempt has been made to review all the collective land grants of early medieval Odisha and explore the possible reasons for land donations to the brāhmaṇas collectively. The period roughly covers from the fourth to fifth century CE to the twelfth to thirteenth century CE.



2013 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryosuke Furui

AbstractRecent epigraphic discoveries shed new light on merchant groups in early medieval Bengal, a region whose history in the period from the mid-sixth to the thirteenth centuries is shrouded in obscurity. The present article attempts to provide a better delineation of this history with additional information from new inscriptions, and presents a transcription, translation and discussion of the Rajbhita stone inscription which records the activity of an association of merchants called vaṇiggrāma. The history of merchant groups in early medieval Bengal can be delineated as a process of the ruralization of urban elites in its early phase, and of the organization of merchants located in rural space towards specialized groups comparable to jātis in its later phase. The new inscriptions enable us not only to fill gaps with new information, but also give us perspectives from which we can go beyond unilineal simplicity.



2003 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 219-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bart Duriez ◽  
Claudia Appel ◽  
Dirk Hutsebaut

Abstract: Recently, Duriez, Fontaine and Hutsebaut (2000) and Fontaine, Duriez, Luyten and Hutsebaut (2003) constructed the Post-Critical Belief Scale in order to measure the two religiosity dimensions along which Wulff (1991 , 1997 ) summarized the various possible approaches to religion: Exclusion vs. Inclusion of Transcendence and Literal vs. Symbolic. In the present article, the German version of this scale is presented. Results obtained in a heterogeneous German sample (N = 216) suggest that the internal structure of the German version fits the internal structure of the original Dutch version. Moreover, the observed relation between the Literal vs. Symbolic dimension and racism, which was in line with previous studies ( Duriez, in press ), supports the external validity of the German version.



Author(s):  
Odile Husain

Le présent article tente d’effectuer un rapprochement entre un article européen de Rossel et Merceron et un livre américain de Reid Meloy, tous deux consacrés à l’analyse des organisations psychopathiques. Si tous les auteurs s’entendent sur l’économie narcissique du psychopathe, le choix de la population d’étude diffère quelque peu, en raison de l’approche structurale des premiers et de l’approche symptomatique du second. Tandis que l’étude suisse ne retient que des psychopathes du registre des états-limites, l’étude américaine inclut également des psychopathes de niveau psychotique. Par contre, la mésentente règne au niveau des outils d’analyse du discours psychopathique: analyse statistique et échelles validées chez Meloy; approche qualitative chez Rossel et Merceron. Aux premiers, l’on reprochera un certain réductionisme et appauvrissement du discours, prix à payer pour le respect de la standardisation et de la cotation. Aux seconds, l’on reprochera l’absence de toute quantification qui pose problème lorsque l’on aborde la question de la validité des données. Néanmoins, Européens et Américains s’entendent sur la notion d’un fonctionnement psychopathique. La relation d’objet est marquée par la pulsion agressive et ses dérivatifs, par la recherche de pouvoir et de contrôle. La lutte contre la dépendance est déduite chez Meloy de l’absence de réponse de texture et chez Rossel et Merceron de l’absence de contenus de dépendance. La qualité narcissique des représentations d’objet est mise en évidence, chez Meloy, par le biais de l’investissement du paraître, chez Rossel et Merceron par l’importance du processus d’externalisation. La dévalorisation des objets est aussi décrite. Ni les uns ni les autres ne font réellement référence à l’angoisse car cette angoisse qualifiable d’anaclitique s’exprime justement sous des manifestations tout à fait opposées. Le vide intérieur est déduit, chez Meloy, à partir de l’ennui que vit le psychopathe et, chez Rossel et Merceron, à partir de la survalorisation de la référence au réel. Une grande convergence existe entre les deux écrits au sujet des mécanismes de défense. Tous les auteurs s’accordent sur la prépondérance du clivage et du déni, un déni par le mot et l’acte chez Meloy, un déni hypomaniaque chez Rossel et Merceron. De part et d’autre de l’Atlantique, on s’accorde également pour attribuer une place importante à l’identification projective et à l’identification à l’agresseur. Par ailleurs, Rossel et Merceron démontrent comment à travers les caractéristiques de l’énonciation et les nuances de la verbalisation du psychopathe, il est possible d’inférer son non-investissement de la mentalisation et du savoir au profit d’un surinvestissement de l’agir. La complémentarité, voire la similarité, des commentaires dans les deux ouvrages devrait réconforter certains cliniciens, désarmés devant le fossé qui semble parfois régner entre la littérature des deux continents et confirmer, qu’indépendamment du type de méthodologie et de validation choisi, l’observation clinique du psychologue expérimenté demeure la pierre angulaire de toute recherche en psychopathologie.



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