The Politics between the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Gülen Movement in Turkey: Issues of Human Rights and Rising Authoritarianism

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fait Muedini
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Islamic Movements ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
Hizmet Movement

AbstractI examine the rising tension between two Islamic movements in Turkey: The Justice and Development Party (AKP) and Fethullah Gülen’s Hizmet Movement within the context of increased human rights abuses by the government in Turkey. I argue that Gülen and Hizmet are a continued concern for Recep Tayyip Erdogan and AKP because of Hizmet’s social services, primarily in the realm of education. Furthermore, their influence in public ranks further troubles Erdogan. However, it seems that because of Hizmet’s disinterest with electoral politics, along with an absence of other challengers to the ruling government party’s electoral success, Erdogan and the AKP will continue to hold political power, at least for the short term. Furthermore, this case illustrates Erdogan’s willingness to carry out increased authoritarian actions, as well as a willingness to violate the human rights of civil society actors in Turkey.

Florida voters react to Biden's Caribbean policy

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Disaster Relief ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
Pivotal Role ◽  
Economic Recovery ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Family Connections ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
The Government

Significance Many areas of the Caribbean have trade, investment and family connections with communities in Florida. As the state now plays a pivotal role in US electoral politics, crises in the region can take on added political importance for parts of Florida’s electorate. Impacts Forecasts of short-term economic recovery for Florida remain highly uncertain given the continuing impact of the pandemic. Clashing interests across the Caribbean may demand greater coordination of US policy than the government can currently offer. Healthcare and disaster relief capabilities within the state are severely overstretched and could be overwhelmed by a new crisis.

Colombia unrest offers no quick solutions

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Fiscal Reform ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
International Reputation ◽  
The Government

Significance Large demonstrations on May 28 resulted in several deaths in Cali; President Ivan Duque deployed troops there the next day. Although that appears, temporarily, to have restored some order, talks between the government and protest leaders have stalled. Impacts The government still plans fiscal reform of some kind, but any proposals now risk inflaming unrest. Prolonged accusations of human rights abuses and impunity could damage Colombia’s international reputation. Fear of socialism and Venezuela’s struggles offer the government a powerful electoral weapon against the left.

scholarly journals Legal Aspects of the Right to Nationality Pursuant to Myanmar Citizenship Law

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Su Yin Htun
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Legal Analysis ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Communal Violence ◽  
Legal Reforms ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

It is universally accepted that everyone has the right to citizenship. Myanmar’s framework on the right to nationality constitutes a unique, exclusive, ethnic citizenship system based on jus sanguinis or the law of blood. Myanmar’s Citizenship Law was enacted in 1982 by repealing the Union Citizenship Act of 1948. As citizenship parameters were changed by the Law, many people in the Kachin, Karen, and Rakhine states lost their nationality rights and consequently suffered human rights abuses. In the Rakhine state, serious communal violence occurred in 2012, 2016, and 2017, and the government declared a state of emergency. This research paper focuses on how Myanmar can adhere to international standards for nationality rights. It provides a historical overview and legal analysis of citizenship laws in Myanmar using a human rights lens and offers suggestions for legal reforms that can help address the problem of statelessness in Myanmar. Specifically, it recommends the use of the jus soli, or the law of the soil, approach to citizenship.

Zimbabwe's opposition will bank on electoral alliance

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Food Security ◽  
Financial Institutions ◽  
Public Expenditure ◽  
Fall Armyworm ◽  
International Financial Institutions ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ruling Party

Significance With the country mired in a deepening economic crisis and the ruling party engaging in debilitating succession struggles, opposition parties are debating whether they can exploit the government's fiscal woes to contest forthcoming by-elections and national polls or to boycott elections in part or altogether. Impacts A fall armyworm outbreak is likely to devastate crops nationwide, prompting a food security crisis. The government will likely resist pressure from international financial institutions to curb public expenditure ahead of the 2018 elections. Increased human rights abuses by the authorities would prompt international condemnation and possible resumption of broader EU sanctions.

Revisiting the Causal Links between Economic Sanctions and Human Rights Violations

2020 ◽  
pp. 106591292094159
Author(s):  
Ryan Yu-Lin Liou ◽  
Amanda Murdie ◽  
Dursun Peksen
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Human Rights Violations ◽  
National Data ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Mediating Role ◽  
Government Capacity ◽  
Causal Mediation Analysis ◽  
The Government ◽  
Cross National

There is some consensus in the literature that economic sanctions might prompt more human rights abuses in target countries. Yet, the causal mechanisms underlining the sanctions–repression nexus remain little understood. Using causal mediation analysis, we examine the processes through which sanctions might deteriorate human rights conditions. We specifically propose two indirect mechanisms driving human rights violations: increased domestic dissent and reduced government capacity. Sanctions are likely to trigger domestic dissent, and this instability would further induce the government to employ repression. Reduced government capacity caused by sanctions will harm the government’s ability to screen and oversee its security agents, which would subsequently lead to increased human rights abuses. Results from a time-series, cross-national data analysis indicate that sanctions-induced dissent, particularly violent dissent, plays a significant mediating role in the sanctions–repression link. Likewise, we find strong evidence that diminished fiscal capacity triggered by sanctions is likely to result in more repression. There is also some modest evidence that corruption as a proxy for poor governance mediates the sanctions–repression relationship.

Human Rights at the Time of Transition: How Security Forces Can be Held Accountable in a Divided Community?

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-207
Author(s):  
Mutaz M Qafisheh
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Field Research ◽  
International Standards ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
The Government

Abstract The Palestinian Authority has established various mechanisms to monitor its security forces and hold them accountable over human rights violations. This article explores and assesses the accountability measures that deal with the human rights abuses arising from the excessive use of force in light of international standards, particularly human rights treaties that Palestine has acceded to in recent years. The use of force may occur in different contexts, including during demonstrations, while enforcing the law against criminal acts, searches, lawlessness, in detention, interrogation, investigation and in prisons. The article traces the accountability processes that arise in such circumstances. Alongside reviewing domestic legislation and cases as well as citing relevant literature, the article employs empirical qualitative field research approach by conducting a series of interviews with senior security officials, particularly top commanders and those in charge of accountability within the government and security agencies along with NGOs, experts, academics and field-based international institutions.

Global Competition, Corporate Structure, and PMSCs’ Accountability in Civil Wars

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-134
Author(s):  
Seden Akcinaroglu ◽  
Elizabeth Radziszewski
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Criminal Behavior ◽  
Global Competition ◽  
Corporate Structure ◽  
Publicly Traded ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
Publicly Traded Companies ◽  
Competitive Edge ◽  
The Government

The rise of global competition marked by the expansion of the private military and security industry has pushed companies to gain a competitive edge. To secure capital and, occasionally, to signal commitment to accountability in response to competition, some companies have changed their corporate structure and become publicly traded corporations. Publicly traded companies have more stakeholders than private companies; this makes them accountable not only to the clients but also to the public and the media. As publicly traded PMSCs face greater reputational costs for engaging in criminal behavior, they are less likely to commit fraud and human rights abuses and be more military effective than private PMSCs. Data on fraud and human rights abuses in Iraq (2003–2019) show that publicly traded PMSCs exhibit higher levels of corporate professionalism. Greater professionalism by publicly traded PMSCs should help tilt the balance of power in favor of the government and contribute to shorter conflicts.

The Aylwin Government and 'Tutelary' Democracy: A Concept in Search of a Case?

1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 119-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhoda Rabkin
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
The Other ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

The Literature on democratic transitions suggests two opposite sorts of dangers that the successful democratizer must avoid: too much uncertainty on the one hand, and too little on the other. The first can lead to conflict, violence, and abortive transitions (Karl and Schmitter, 199D; while the second means there is no democracy at all, but leads to something less which has been variously called: "tutelary democracy," "electoralism," or "democradura."Before the government of Patricio Aylwin took office in Chile in March 1990, most observers anticipated that the return to democracy would bring considerable social conflict and political instability. Expressing a widely held view, one expert wrote: "Any return to democracy in Chile would entail vocal demands, from a variety of social groups and movements, to reverse the policies instituted by the regime since 1973" (Loveman 1986-87:29). The need to confront human rights abuses during the military government was another potentially explosive political issue.

Professor John Dugard: A South African Perspective

2007 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 955-964 ◽  
Author(s):  
MAX DU PLESSIS
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Law ◽  
South African ◽  
The South ◽  
International Court Of Justice ◽  
Human Rights Abuses ◽  
International Court ◽  
The Government ◽  
South African Constitution ◽  
The Impact

This article considers the work of John Dugard in the field of human rights and international law and the impact thereof on the South African legal landscape. After tracing the importance of Dugard's early work in South Africa in the fields of legal philosophy, human rights, and international law, the article turns to consider the later achievements in Dugard's prestigious career. The author highlights the numerous cases in which Dugard appeared as counsel before the South African courts, and considers the impact that Dugard had on the drafting of the South African Constitution in relation to international law and its use in interpreting the South African Bill of Rights. The final section of the article considers the shameful failure of the South African government to support Dugard in his bid to be appointed as a judge of the International Court of Justice. The author concludes that notwithstanding the fact that the government has not accorded him the recognition he deserves, Dugard's pioneering human rights work continues unabated in his various positions, including in his role as the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights abuses in occupied Palestine.

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