scholarly journals Mapping the Austrian political spectrum with the help of VAAs

Author(s):  
Sebastian Jäckle ◽  
Pascal D. König

This paper uses data from the Austrian Voting Advice Application (VAA) wahlkabine.at to locate parties in policy spaces for the 2006, 2008, 2013 and 2017 national elections. It formulates an approach that combines positional information from the VAA data with information about issue saliences that stems from the VAA itself as well as from manifestos coded by the regularly conducted Austrian National Election Study. The VAA-inherent and the external weights serve to calibrate party policy spaces that underlie the VAA data. The paper depicts the Austrian political party space by means of a two-dimensional multidimensional scaling (MDS) map, and furthermore assesses the usefulness of the two weighting procedures. The findings suggest that the use of the internal weights cannot make much of a difference in the present form. In contrast, the external weights not only alter the structure of the party space but also enhance the confidence in the results for substantial reasons.

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shreyas Sardesai

This article attempts to empirically test the claims made by several commentators that religious polarization was at the core of the 2019 Lok Sabha election verdict. Relying heavily on the National Election Study (NES) data sets, it finds that the election result was in large measure an outcome of massive vote consolidation on religious lines, with the majority Hindu community preferring the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in unprecedented proportion and the main religious minorities largely staying away from it, although there were some exceptions. It shows that, for two national elections in a row, the Narendra Modi- and Amit Shah-led BJP has been able to overcome the caste hierarchies among Hindus and systematically construct a Hindu category of voters versus others. This chasm between Hindus and the minorities is also seen with respect to their attitudes regarding the government, its leadership and contentious issues like the Ayodhya dispute. This article, however, does not find sufficient evidence with regard to the claims that a large part of the Hindu support for the BJP-led alliance may have been on account of anti-minority sentiments.


2019 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-622
Author(s):  
Jennifer Wolak ◽  
Carey E. Stapleton

Why do young people choose to identify with a political party? While existing accounts emphasize the importance of political socialization, we propose that young people’s self-perceptions also influence the adoption of partisan identities. Using survey data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, we show that self-esteem plays an important role in the development of partisanship among young people, where those with higher self-esteem are more likely to adopt a partisan identity than those with low self-esteem. Using responses from the 2012–2013 American National Election Study, we further show that the effects of self-esteem are concentrated among young adults, promoting the adoption of partisan identities during one’s impressionable years. By focusing on the inheritance of partisanship from one’s parents, scholars have underestimated the importance of young people’s traits in influencing the development of partisan identities.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 641-650 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Dolezal ◽  
Laurenz Ennser-Jedenastik ◽  
Wolfgang C. Müller ◽  
Anna Katharina Winkler

We present a new method to analyze party manifestos to benefit the placement of political partiesper seand to advance the study of elections. Our method improves on existing manual coding approaches by (1) generating semantically complete units based on syntax, (2) standardizing units into a subject–predicate–object structure, and (3) employing a fine-grained and flexible hierarchical coding scheme. We evaluate our approach by comparing estimates for the 2002, 2006, and 2008 Austrian national elections with those yielded by previous studies that employ the entire range of available measurement strategies. We also demonstrate how we link our new manifesto data with other kind of data produced in theAustrian National Election Study, especially mass and elite (party candidate) surveys.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-78
Author(s):  
Sóllilja Bjarnadóttir ◽  
Inga Rún Sæmundsdóttir ◽  
Sigrún Ólafsdóttir ◽  
Þorvarður Árnason ◽  
Guðbjörg Andrea Jónsdóttir

The significance of environmental issues in the Icelandic public debate has increased in recent decades. Until now, it has not been possible to empirically examine whether this increased debate reflects a development towards a change in attitudes among the Icelandic public. The data from the Icelandic National Election Study (ICENES) shows an apparent long-term change in attitudes towards environmental issues over the past thirty years (1987-2017). Here, we analyze the results of two questions from ICENES. Firstly, we investigate attitudes concerning whether environmental issues should take precedence over efforts to increase economic growth, and, secondly, views on whether the government should place great or little emphasis on heavy industry. Similar changes are seen over time; the proportion of those who want to prioritize environmental issues increases year by year (with one exception immediately after the economic crisis), and the proportion of those who want the government to emphasize heavy industry decreases. The last survey (2017) found that 65% of respondents prioritized environmental issues above economic growth, and 80% wanted the government to place little emphasis on heavy industry. People who identified with a left political party where more likely to emphasize environmental issues whereas those who identified with a right political party where more likely to emphasize heavy industry.


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Philippe Gauvin ◽  
Chris Chhim ◽  
Mike Medeiros

AbstractThe 2011 Canadian federal election results changed the face of federal politics in Quebec. In a sudden and spectacular reversal of electoral fortunes, BQ support crumbled while that of the NDP surged. While most commentators focused exclusively on the 2011 election itself to explain what had happened, we offer an interpretation that takes a longitudinal approach. Using data from the Canadian Election Study and political party manifestos from 2006 to 2011, we propose a three-dimensional proximity model of voter/party congruence to explore the evolution of the ideological stances of Quebec voters and parties. Empirical results suggest these ideological distances between the NDP and Quebec voters decreased over time, whereas the BQ has distanced itself from voters. Furthermore, ideological distances between party and voters are a significant predictor of vote.


2006 ◽  
Vol 100 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID C. BARKER ◽  
JAMES D. TINNICK

This paper explores the etiology of ideological constraint in the United States. In an effort to gain understanding of the ideational elements of political socialization, we concentrate on a provocative new theory put forward by cognitive linguist George Lakoff. Lakoff argues that many people reflexively envision proper power relations between citizens and government based on their understanding of proper power relations between children and parents: “nurturant” visions of parental roles engender egalitarian and humanitarian political values, whereas “disciplinarian” visions of proper parenting predict political individualism and traditionalism. Using data obtained from the 2000 National Election Study, we consider the empirical mettle of this account.


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