scholarly journals Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Communist Regime: an Outlook on Educational Policy

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-132
Author(s):  
Snježana Šušnjara
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The State ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
World War ◽  
New Man ◽  
The Social ◽  
School Programs ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes

Bosnia and Herzegovina as one of the nine republics of Yugoslavia was always among the poorest republics in the former state. However, the school system, as it was the case in the totalitarian regimes, was under direct control of the state. The state had the power to influence school programs and to decide who could apply for school profession. After World War II, education became compulsory for all children and the state could have influenced easily all aspects of education. The state conception how to educate a new society and how to produce a common Yugoslav identity was in focus of the new ideology and those who did not agree with this concept were exposed to negative connotations and even to persecution. Human rights of an individual were openly proclaimed but not respected. Totalitarian societies commonly expect the system of education to operate as a main transformational force that will facilitate the creation of the new man in the social order they have proclaimed. After the split of the Soviet model of pedagogy (1945–1949), the changes occurred in education when the communists established a new regime with universal characteristics of the Yugoslavian education which differentiated among the republics in accordance with their own specificities. Bosnia and Herzegovina with its multi-ethnic nature occupied a special place inside the common state as a model that served as a creation of possible, multiethnic, socialist Yugoslavia.

The Elusive Search for Evidence: Evgenii Khaldei’s Budapest Ghetto, Images of Rape, and Soviet Holocaust Photography

Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
David Shneer
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Ethnic Group ◽  
Social History ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Soviet Jews ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

I began studying Soviet photography in the early 2000s. To be more specific, I began studying Soviet photographers, most of whom had “Jewish” written on their internal passports, as I sought to understand how it was possible that a large number of photographers creating images of World War II were members of an ethnic group that was soon to be persecuted by the highest levels of the state. I ended up uncovering the social history of Soviet Jews and their relationship to photography, as I also explored how their training in the 1920s and 1930s shaped the photographs they took during World War II.

scholarly journals Social Condition Reflected in Samuel Beckett’s Waiting for Godot

2021 ◽  
pp. 285-295
Author(s):  
Fita Chyntia ◽  
Multhahada Ramadhani Siregar ◽  
Roni Hikmah Ramadhan
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Condition ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Post World War Ii ◽  
What Is Said ◽  
The Social ◽  
Waiting For Godot ◽  
Post War ◽  
Character Types

This paper discusses the absurd character types that exist in Samuel Beckett’s play, Waiting for Godot. Vladimir, Estragon, Pozzo and Lucky are the four contradictory yet dependent characters in the play. The absurd characters reflect the social condition of the time, post – World War II. The characters are pictured waiting for the completion of the war in the hope that it will come. Their fate can be changed instantly, the same as the state of war. Besides discussing the characters in the drama, this paper also discusses the characteristics of the language used by the characters. The language used is unreasonable, not in accordance with what is said or how they act; it is called “verbal nonsense”. The interpretations of the dialogue among the characters in the play will give a better picture of each character and how they can be related to societal conditions. Keywords: Theater of Absurd, Character Types, Post-War, Social Condition

On the Edge of Democracy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosario Forlenza
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Order ◽  
World War ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Existential Crisis ◽  
Real People ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Meanings ◽  
Political Norms ◽  
Symbolic Formation

This book links the emergence of democracy in Italy after World War II to human experiences and the symbolic formation of meaning in a time of political and existential uncertainty. Between 1943 and 1948 Italians experienced the most intense period of the war, with its hardship and violence, and the most intense period of social, economic, and political reconstruction, with its hopes and vitality. Unlike conventional accounts that focus on institutions, ideologies, and political norms, On the Edge of Democracy examines the aspirations, expectations, and hopes of real people in real time—the social dramas the individuals engaged with. Adopting an anthropological approach, it sees the process of democratization in Italy as analogous to a ritual passage, in which social order was suspended and then reasserted following a liminal time during which ideas and beliefs were reformulated and new meanings, symbols, and identities emerged. The period of civil war 1943–5, especially, was a time of brutality and dramatic violence as well as a critical juncture of creative existential pluralism. The events during the period following the collapse of Fascism and the disintegration of national unity created a new popular consciousness and changed the relationships among individuals, and between individual and political power. Existential crisis and lived experiences during this period of uncertainty generated new meanings, interpretations, and hopes that shaped post-Fascist democracy. Democracy in Italy was the consequence of ordinary’s people reactions to, and symbolization of, the circumstances which they went through in those extraordinary times.

Shils and the intellectuals

2019 ◽  
pp. 171-190
Author(s):  
Jefferson Pooley
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Gustave Flaubert ◽  
Adult Life ◽  
World War ◽  
Moral Ideal ◽  
The Social ◽  
Civil Politics ◽  
Hippolyte Taine

This chapter traces Shils' distinctive conception of the intellectual—as indispensable to, but all too often an opponent of, social order. Shils’ aversion to intellectual disloyalty was a constant throughout his adult life, though his specifically ‘Shilsian’ take on the intellectual and his society would only cohere, in a sophisticated, original, and consistent way, in the late 1950s. The chapter reconstructs Shils encounter with the downcast intellectual, first as a precocious reader of Gustave Flaubert, Hippolyte Taine, and, above all, Georges Sorel. It was Sorel’s chiliastic politics of heroic violence which, in its purist clarity, helped disclose the transcendent moral impulse that, to varying degrees, leads intellectuals to judge their societies harshly. When, after World War II, the moral ideal seemed spent even within socialist movements, Shils observed its traces in the complaints of ex-radicals. Society’s loose consensus depends on public belief, he argued, which in turn depends on the social picture put forward by intellectuals. These ‘persons with an unusual sensitivity to the sacred’ could help support the fragile achievements of civil politics, but Shils was not optimistic.

Pick a Pocket Or Two

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ethan Mordden
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
World War ◽  
Strong Point ◽  
The Social ◽  
American Model ◽  
History Of

This book tells the full history of the British musical, from The Beggar's Opera (1728) to the present, by isolating the unique qualities of the form and its influence on the American model. To place a very broad generalization, the American musical is regarded as largely about ambition fulfilled, whereas the British musical is about social order. Oklahoma!'s Curly wins the heart of the farmer Laurey—or, in other words, the cowboy becomes a landowner, establishing a truce between the freelancers on horseback and the ruling class. Half a Sixpence, on the other hand, finds a working-class boy coming into a fortune and losing it to fancy Dans, whereupon he is reunited with his working-class sweetheart, his modest place in the social order affirmed. Anecdotal and evincing a strong point of view, the book covers not only the shows and their authors but the personalities as well—W. S. Gilbert trying out his stagings on a toy theatre, Ivor Novello going to jail for abusing wartime gas rationing during World War II, fabled producer C. B. Cochran coming to a most shocking demise for a man whose very name meant “classy, carefree entertainment.”

Myth and Reality

2019 ◽  
pp. 107-125
Author(s):  
Elissa Bemporad
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Agency ◽  
World War ◽  
The Social ◽  
Soviet Jewry

Chapter 5 maps out the social life of the myth (and reality) centered on the absence of pogroms. It captures the use of the term in calls to reject Jewish political agency and resist Stalin’s policies. While the state stigmatized this form of violence, pogroms did occur on rare occasions. They were an exception to the rule until World War II, which drastically changed the habits and discourses of violence: pogroms reappeared in the context of collaboration with German forces. The return of the unthinkable was triggered by the idiosyncratic contingencies of war: in 1945 a pogrom broke out in Kiev. The myth of Soviet Jewry was temporarily shattered. During the postwar years the state reasserted its monopoly over violence. And while it promoted antisemitism and ignored the complaints of Jews bewildered by the change, it never crossed the line of tolerating eruptions of spontaneous violence against them.

Советское «пропагандистское государство» в годы II мировой войны: ресурсные ограничения и коммуникативные возможности

2012 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Александр Лившин ◽  
Игорь Орлов
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Resource Constraints ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

Alexander Livshin and Igor Orlov The Soviet “Propaganda State” during World War II: Resource Constraints and Communication Capabilities “The new history of propaganda” studies the historical experience of using propaganda by different countries, including democratic ones, in the time of wars and other crises. It is evident that particular attention is paid to Nazi Germany and Stalinist USSR, the two excessively ideology-driven and politicized societies where propaganda played the role far beyond the boundaries of simple ideological indoctrination and manipulation of the public opinions and attitudes with the purpose of pushing the people towards a desired model of behavior. In both states propaganda became a fundamental core institution aimed at building and sustaining the social order. At the same time, if we consider the experience of Stalin’s USSR, then the usage of the term “propaganda state” introduced by Peter Kenez requires a significant caveat.

scholarly journals Shils and the Intellectuals

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jefferson Pooley
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Gustave Flaubert ◽  
Adult Life ◽  
World War ◽  
Moral Ideal ◽  
The Social ◽  
Edward Shils ◽  
Civil Politics ◽  
Hippolyte Taine

This chapter traces Edward Shils' distinctive conception of the intellectual—as indispensable to, but all too often an opponent of, social order. Shils’ aversion to intellectual disloyalty was a constant throughout his adult life, though his specifically ‘Shilsian’ take on the intellectual and his society would only cohere, in a sophisticated, original, and consistent way, in the late 1950s. The chapter reconstructs Shils’ encounter with the downcast intellectual, first as a precocious reader of Gustave Flaubert, Hippolyte Taine, and, above all, Georges Sorel. It was Sorel’s chiliastic politics of heroic violence which, in its purist clarity, helped disclose the transcendent moral impulse that, to varying degrees, leads intellectuals to judge their societies harshly. When, after World War II, the moral ideal seemed spent even within socialist movements, Shils observed its traces in the complaints of ex-radicals. Society’s loose consensus depends on public belief, he argued, which in turn depends on the social picture put forward by intellectuals. These ‘persons with an unusual sensitivity to the sacred’ could help support the fragile achievements of civil politics, but Shils was not optimistic.

scholarly journals Wokół roku 1948: „rewolucja łagodna” i historia sztuki

2019 ◽  
pp. 367-391
Author(s):  
Anna Markowska
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Socialist Realism ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
World War ◽  
Art Historians ◽  
Social Comfort ◽  
The Revolution

Just like after World War I Italy experienced a transition from modernism to fascism, after World War II Poland experienced a passage from modernism to quasi-communism. The symbol of the first stage of the communist revolution in Poland right after the war, the so-called “gentle revolution,” was Pablo Picasso, whose work was popularized not so much because of its artistic value, but because of his membership in the communist party. The second, repressive stage of the continued came in 1949–1955, to return after the so-called thaw to Picasso and the exemplars of the École de Paris. However, the imagery of the revolution was associated only with the socialist realism connected to the USSR even though actually it was the adaptation of the École de Paris that best expressed the revolution’s victory. In the beginning, its moderate program, strongly emphasizing the national heritage as well as financial promises, made the cultural offer of the communist regime quite attractive not only for the left. Thus, the gentle revolution proved to be a Machiavellian move, disseminating power to centralize it later more effectively. On the other hand, the return to the Paris exemplars resulted in the aestheticization of radical and undemocratic changes. The received idea that the evil regime was visualized only by the ugly socialist realism is a disguise of the Polish dream of innocence and historical purity, while it was the war which gave way to the revolution, and right after the war artists not only played games with the regime, but gladly accepted social comfort guaranteed by authoritarianism. Neither artists, nor art historians started a discussion about the totalizing stain on modernity and the exclusion of the other. Even the folk art was instrumentalized by the state which manipulated folk artists to such an extent that they often lost their original skills. Horrified by the war atrocities and their consequences, art historians limited their activities to the most urgent local tasks, such as making inventories of artworks, reorganization of institutions, and reconstruction. Mass expropriation, a consequence of the revolution, was not perceived by museum personnel as a serious problem, since thanks to it museums acquired more and more exhibits, while architects and restorers could implement their boldest plans. The academic and social neutralization of expropriation favored the birth of a new human being, which was one of the goals of the revolution. Along the ethnic homogenization of society, focusing on Polish art meant getting used to monophony. No cultural opposition to the authoritarian ideas of modernity appeared – neither the École de Paris as a paradigm of the high art, nor the folklore manipulated by the state were able to come up with the ideas of the weak subject or counter-history. Despite the social revolution, the class distinction of ethnography and high art remained unchanged.

Development of Interethnic Relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the First Decades after the Second World War

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 87-96
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Guskova
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Second World War ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Interethnic Relations ◽  
The Republic ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
First Time ◽  
Second World

The article is devoted to the analysis of interethnic relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) in the 1940s and 1960s. The article is based on materials from the archives of BiH, Croatia, Slovenia, Yugoslavia. The documents show the state of affairs in the Republic – both in the economy and in ideology. In one or another way, all of them reflect the level of tension in the interethnic relations. For the first time, the article presents the discussion on interethnic relations, on the new phenomenon in multinational Yugoslavia – the emergence of a new people in BiH under the name of “Muslim”. The term “Muslims” is used to define the ethnic identity of Bosniaks in the territory of BiH starting from the 1961 census.

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