Political Scandals and the Accountability of the Chief Executive in Hong Kong

Asian Survey ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 54 (5) ◽  
pp. 966-986 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Scott

This article examines two political and constitutional issues arising from scandals concerning the past and present Hong Kong Chief Executive. These relate to whether existing measures are sufficient to ensure integrity in high office and to the role of the Chief Executive after the introduction of universal suffrage in 2017.

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hio Tong Wong ◽  
Shih-Diing Liu

Situated in Hong Kong’s post-colonial context of political crisis, this article attempts to investigate the unfolding of cultural activism during the Umbrella Movement occurred in 2014. This 79-day occupy protest, triggered by the government’s restriction on universal suffrage, has released protesters’ creative potentials in performing their struggles through a variety of aesthetic forms and practices. Questioning the traditional way of conceiving protest movement in terms of violent confrontations with government or instrumentalism, this article addresses the performative role of cultural activism which has been largely ignored in the study of Hong Kong protest movement. Rather, we argue that the creative practices enacted during the Umbrella Movement constitute in themselves the message that contains its own politics and grammars. These practices have constructed the meaning of the movement through naming, and have created the collective joy and identity among participants in the formation of movement solidarity. This article suggests that cultural activism is the spirit and soul of the Umbrella Movement, which has opened up a temporary yet crucial political space for democratic struggle.


Subject The demands set out by anti-government protesters in Hong Kong. Significance Mass protests have forced the government to withdraw an unpopular bill allowing extradition to mainland China. However, the protesters’ agenda has broadened to include four more demands: repudiation of the government’s designation of the protests as ‘riots’; amnesty for all protesters; an independent probe into the police’s use of force; and universal suffrage for the selection of Hong Kong’s chief executive. Impacts Investigations, trials and lawsuits will drag on for years, poisoning the political atmosphere and hindering cooperation between camps. Hong Kong’s independent judiciary may be a moderating influence. Replacing Lam would not be a fresh start; the process would spotlight Hong Kong’s lack of democracy.


Journalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146488492199953
Author(s):  
Donna Chu

In this study, 20 journalists who had worked on news about the anniversaries of mass protests in Hong Kong were interviewed. Given that most had been born after the historical events being commemorated, this paper aims to understand how young journalists comprehend and cover such old news. It also uncovers the journalistic processes behind the related anniversary journalism and discusses the role of journalism in constructing collective memory. The study traced how journalists normally do their research and what they consider in the production process. We found that journalists, as with other assignments, generally lack the time to conduct thorough research. Instead of venturing into hard facts or heated debates, most opted to focus on the personal and the emotional. For the personal, they relied on stories told by living witnesses and participants. For the emotional, they tapped into the cultural environment as well as their peers to determine appropriate feelings and moral tones. Professional norms compelled them to find new angles for old news and package the stories in ways that would engage and attract their audience. All of these factors shape how journalists tell the stories about the past; these stories in turn become new resources in the ‘inventory’ of collective memories.


2017 ◽  
Vol 95 (3) ◽  
pp. 714-733 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis L. F. Lee

This study examines how political cynicism and social media communications moderate the spillover effects of political scandals, that is, the extent to which a scandal surrounding one political figure may influence people’s attitudes toward other political objects. Theoretically, spillover effects are understood as grounded in how people understand the interconnections among politicians and institutions. Analysis of a representative survey in Hong Kong documents the presence of spillover effects of scandals surrounding the Chief Executive of the government. The findings also illustrate the moderating role of political cynicism and, to a lesser extent, political communications via social media.


Subject The outlook for Hong Kong's chief executive election. Significance On March 26, Hong Kong will elect a new chief executive to head the city's government for the next five years. He or she will be elected not by universal suffrage but by a 1,194-member Election Committee. This year's election is the first since the 1997 handover of Hong Kong to China where the outcome is uncertain: the incumbent, Leung Chun-ying, has decided not to run for a second term, and there are two potential successors acceptable to Beijing. Impacts Leung is so unpopular that the winner will have greater ability to manoeuvre simply by virtue of not being him. At very least, the winner will consolidate support among the establishment; however, the honeymoon will be short. The election will shed light on Beijing's influence and intentions in the city.


ICL Journal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fozia Nazir Lone

AbstractOn 31 August 2014, disputes over Beijing’s plans to retain control over the political reform relating to the Chief Executive elections in Hong Kong led to the eruption of a mass civil disobedience campaign and the occupation of public places. In response to the aforesaid movement, pro-government groups approached the courts of Hong Kong for an injunction as a strategy to clear those public places (the Injunction Cases) and thereby put an end to the civil disobedience campaign. The courts heard the Injunction Cases and ruled in favour of the plaintiffs by upholding findings of public nuisance.The primary objective of this article is to demystify the enigma of the Injunction Cases by reviewing them from the perspective of justiciability, acts of state, rule of law and separation of powers. This article also seeks to map the dialectical disconnect between accepted practices in Hong Kong on matters of justiciability and how the courts of Hong Kong dealt with it in the Injunction Cases. It is argued that the courts should have first determined whether the Injunction Cases were justiciable from common law perspective and constitutional doctrines before proceeding to hear such cases.For the purpose of facilitating a more complete discussion, notable cases in relation to the doctrine of justiciability will be discussed. Other issues within the framework of the rule of law, separation of powers and right to democracy will also be reflected upon.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 312-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yiu Chung Wong ◽  
Jason K.H. Chan

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the emergence of civil disobedience (CD) movements in Hong Kong in the context of the notion of civil society (CS). Design/methodology/approach The paper begins by rigorously defining the notion of CD, as well as the concept of CS and tracing its development in Hong Kong over the past several decades. By using a model of CS typology, which combines the variables of state control and a society’s quest for autonomy (SQA), the paper aims to outline the historical development of CD movements in Hong Kong. It also discusses the recent evolution of CS and its relationship with CD movements, particularly focusing on their development since Leung Chun-ying became the Chief Executive in 2012. Finally, by using five cases of CD witnessed in the past several decades, the relationship between the development of CS and the emergence of CD in Hong Kong has been outlined. Findings Four implications can be concluded: first, CD cannot emerge when the state and society are isolated. Second, the level of SC and the scale of CD are positively related. Third, as an historical trend, the development of SQA is generally in linear progress; SQA starts from a low level (e.g. interest-based and welfare-based aims) and moves upwards to campaign for higher goals of civil and political autonomy. If the lower level of SQA is not satisfied, it can lead to larger scale CD in future. Fourth, the CD movement would be largest in scale when the state-society relationship confrontational and when major cleavages can be found within CS itself. Originality/value This paper serves to enrich knowledge in the fields of politics and sociology.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (02) ◽  
pp. 1950005
Author(s):  
FUNG CHAN ◽  
BIYANG SUN

Widely known by the public, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong is selected not by universal suffrage but by a 1,200-member Election Committee (EC). While candidates Carrie Lam, John Tsang, and Kwok-hing Woo all ran in the Chief Executive Election of 2017, only Lam received the blessing of authorities in the Mainland. Though Tsang had led the polls throughout the entire campaign and was popular on several social media platforms, a majority of EC members still cast their vote for Lam as Chief Executive. This was the first time that EC members voted against popular opinion in the Chief Executive Election. This paper analyzes the limited power of social media under elections that are under the influence of Mainland China. It also examines the problem of legitimacy in such electoral settings and the way in which authorities in the Mainland have influenced electoral outcomes through defects in the institutional systems of Hong Kong. The 2017 Chief Executive Election affirmed the tightened control of Mainland authorities over the affairs of Hong Kong.


2002 ◽  
Vol 172 ◽  
pp. 1065-1103
Author(s):  
Herbert S. Yee

This book argues that the HKSAR government has encountered a crisis of performance legitimacy. Legitimacy, according to Huntington, has procedure and performance aspects. As the HKSAR's Chief Executive is not directly elected by universal suffrage, his procedure legitimacy is relatively weak and he has to rely on performance to buttress legitimacy. Unfortunately, from July 1997 to April 2001, the performance legitimacy of the HKSAR government was plagued by mismanagement of the civil service and of various crises.


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