Introduction The public city: American political culture in nineteenth-century San Francisco

2001 ◽  
pp. 1-42
Author(s):  
PHILIP J. ETHINGTON
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 174
Author(s):  
Carla Wilson Buss

Anyone seeking reliable information on American political life since the 1970s will be pleased with Michael Shally-Jensen’s work, American Political Culture. This three-volume set covers topics from abortion to Israel Zangwill, the nineteenth-century author who coined the phrase “melting pot” and who appears in the entry for “Cultural Pluralism.”


Author(s):  
Zachery A. Fry

The introduction offers context for the experiences of Union soldiers by examining mid-nineteenth century political culture. During the war itself, officers and men engaged in a spirited and highly publicized debate over the meaning of loyalty. Republicans came to identify true loyalty as obedience to the wartime measures of the Lincoln administration and vigorous engagement in the public sphere, while Democrats proclaimed loyalty to the Constitution and the cultural norms of an anti-partisan military.


1996 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Mechanic

The failure of health reform in the USA reflects the individualism and lack of community responsibility of the American political culture, the power of interest groups, and the extraordinary process President Clinton followed in developing his highly elaborate plan. Despite considerable initial public support and a strong start, the reform effort was damaged by the cumbersome process, the complexity of the plan itself, and the unfamiliarity of key components such as alliances for pooled buying of health insurance. In addition, the alienation of important interest groups and the loss of presidential initiative in framing the public discussion as a result of international, domestic and personal issues contributed to the failure in developing public consensus. This paper considers an alternative strategy that would have built on the extension of the Medicare program as a way of exploring the possibilities and barriers to achieving health care reform. Such an approach would build on already familiar and popular pre-existing components. The massive losses in the most recent election and large budget cuts planned by the Republican majority makes it unlikely that gaps in insurance or comprehensiveness of coverage will be corrected in the foreseeable future.


2003 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracy A. Campbell

Although vote fraud is an acknowledged component of American political culture, scholarship on the inner workings of stealing elections is rather thin. Despite popular exposés by nineteenth-century muckrakers, the functioning dynamics of vote stealing remains somewhere beneath the visible layer of political analysis. The Gilded Age has been the recipient of some extensive studies of ballot corruption, but scholars have generally concluded that the extent of fraud in changing the actual outcome of a specific race was exaggerated, and with the advent of the Australian, or secret, ballot in the early 1890s, American elections took on a decidedly freer and fairer tone. The scholarship surrounding vote fraud has also tended to focus on a secondary issue: Did the secret ballot diminish fraud to the point where earlier turnout levels could be seen as inflated? Following the lead of Walter Dean Burnham, numerous scholars have answered decidedly in the negative—the level of fraud was so insignificant as not to change turnout totals in any meaningful way.


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
Evi Dalmaijer ◽  
Solange Ploeg ◽  
Jaap de Jong

Abstract ‘Maranatha’: Kuyper is coming! From sermon to party speech: Abraham Kuyper’s eloquenceIn this article, we present a rhetorical-historical analysis of the speech Maranatha by Dutch politician and former pastor Abraham Kuyper. Kuyper’s style of speech stands out in nineteenth century Dutch political culture, as it is generally more expressive and aimed at the public compared to the pragmatic and legal style of his colleagues in Parliament. Through close reading of the speech Maranatha, we show how Kuyper’s political rhetoric was influenced by various rhetorical elocutio and pathos strategies from pulpit oratory that he learned during his time as a pastor. By reconstructing the professors, academic tradition and homiletic manuals that influenced Kuyper’s theological education, we have determined four main advices for pulpit oratory: 1) choose one main theme that is well known, 2) create a feeling of unity through ‘venturing’ into the public, 3) make sure the speech is understandable to a large public and 4) use stylistic pathos figures in order to move the audience. Kuyper employs all four advices in Maranatha for the purpose of creating a sense of unity within his audience.


Author(s):  
Damien Van Puyvelde

In the 21st century, more than any other time, US agencies have relied on contractors to conduct core intelligence functions. This book charts the swell of intelligence outsourcing in the context of American political culture and considers what this means for the relationship between the state, its national security apparatus and accountability within a liberal democracy. Through analysis of a series of case studies, recently declassified documents and exclusive interviews with national security experts in the public and private sectors, the book provides an in-depth and illuminating appraisal of the evolving accountability regime for intelligence contractors.


2017 ◽  
Vol 94 (3) ◽  
pp. 37-61
Author(s):  
Douglas R. Littlefield

Some histories of California describe nineteenth-century efforts to reclaim the extensive swamplands and shallow lakes in the southern part of California's San Joaquin Valley – then the largest natural wetlands habitat west of the Mississippi River – as a herculean venture to tame a boggy wilderness and turn the region into an agricultural paradise. Yet an 1850s proposition for draining those marshes and lakes primarily was a scheme to improve the state's transportation. Swampland reclamation was a secondary goal. Transport around the time of statehood in 1850 was severely lacking in California. Only a handful of steamboats plied a few of the state's larger rivers, and compared to the eastern United States, roads and railroads were nearly non-existent. Few of these modes of transportation reached into the isolated San Joaquin Valley. As a result, in 1857 the California legislature granted an exclusive franchise to the Tulare Canal and Land Company (sometimes known as the Montgomery franchise, after two of the firm's founders). The company's purpose was to connect navigable canals from the southern San Joaquin Valley to the San Joaquin River, which entered from the Sierra Nevada about half way up the valley. That stream, in turn, joined with San Francisco Bay, and thus the canals would open the entire San Joaquin Valley to world-wide commerce. In exchange for building the canals, the Montgomery franchise could collect tolls for twenty years and sell half the drained swamplands (the other half was to be sold by the state). Land sales were contingent upon the Montgomery franchise reclaiming the marshes. Wetlands in the mid-nineteenth century were not viewed as they are today as fragile wildlife habitats but instead as impediments to advancing American ideals and homesteads across the continent. Moreover, marshy areas were seen as major health menaces, with the prevailing view being that swampy regions’ air carried infectious diseases.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document