1958

Peyote Effect ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 90-102
Author(s):  
Alexander S. Dawson

Around the same time that Salvador Roquet was investigating the use of hallucinogenic drugs in the sierra mazateca, the Mexican government undertook its first sustained efforts to implement a development agenda in the region where Mexico’s most important peyotists (the Huichols) lived. The Huichols had existed largely beyond the authority of the Mexican state for most of its existence. This chapter explores the shape of that development project, focusing on the ways that federal officials made sense of the traditions they encountered in the sierra. They showed an almost complete lack of interest in Huichol peyotism, in spite of the fact that Mexican and foreign researchers were increasingly fascinated by the customs they found in this region. We also see the top down, authoritarian state at its peak. Government officials simply sought to impose development on an unruly countryside and made almost no effort to develop programs or priorities through a cooperative relationship with the erstwhile clients of the developmentalist state.

Author(s):  
Sandra Mendiola García

The miners of Pachuca and Real del Monte have extracted silver from the mountainous region of what is now the state of Hidalgo for centuries. In the colonial period, these mines were owned by the Spanish. In the modern period, they were owned by British (1824–1849), Mexican (1849–1906), and American (1906–1947) entrepreneurs. The Mexican government bought the mines from the United States Smelting, Refining and Mining Company in 1947 and kept them until 1989. In that year, the Mexican state sold the Compañía Real del Monte y Pachuca, the company that monopolized most of the region’s mines, to Mexican businessmen (Grupo Acerero del Norte) who kept them in operation until 2005. The silver miners who worked for the company belong to Locals One and Two of the Sindicato Nacional de Mineros, Metalúrgicos y Similares de la República Mexicana (SNMMRM). The union was created in 1934 in Pachuca. Miners’ activism, however, goes back to the colonial period. In 1766, miners went on strike to defend the partido system (a profit-sharing payment) under attack by their employer Pedro Romero de Terreros, the first Count of Regla. Subsequent employers, both British and Mexican, also faced strikes, slowdowns, and threats of violence by miners who tried to improve their wages and labor conditions. In 1934, Pachuca and Real del Monte played an important role in the formation of the national union. Most ceased their activism in 1946. It was not until 1979 when these silver miners organized Liberación Minera (Miner Liberation) to fight against their charro (government and employer-aligned) leaders and to defend workers’ rights. By the late 1970s, the miners of Pachuca and Real del Monte lacked access to proper health care, received low wages, and experienced dangerous labor conditions. Miners were under the control of local and national charro leaders, including Napoleón Gómez Sada who directed the national miner union from 1960 to virtually 2001. The dissident current, Liberación Minera, organized a strike in 1980 and a naked protest in 1985. As a result, miners increased their wages, democratized their locals, and gained several benefits. These achievements were short-lived as the Mexican government announced the sale of the company in 1989. As part of Mexico’s embrace of neoliberal policies, the privatization of the company meant the virtual end of the industry and of organized labor in these areas by 2005.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-116
Author(s):  
Margaret Jjuuko

The existing environmental injustices in the world have often been linked to industrialisation and modernisation of nations. In a bid to develop and modernise their nations, East African governments have adopted neoclassical developmentalist ideals of 'modernization' and 'capital investments‘, which largely involve exploitation of natural and human resources. The consequence is rampant and severe environmental degradation and related impacts in the region. While environmental degradation impacts affect all people residing in the region, the poor are hit hardest since they do not have ways to deal with disasters; hence, it becomes an environmental and a social justice issue. Although mass media are viewed as change agents and key players in the development agenda, and are often tasked to communicate information as widely as possible, these have adopted hierarchical and top down approaches to environmental and social justice issues and, in the process, helped to deepen the existing inequalities in society. From perspectives of Development Communication, this article critiques modernization discourses to development including: 'Top-down experts of development‘, 'Blaming the victim‘ and 'Social Darwinism‘. The purpose is to demonstrate how the East African media deploy this framework to (mis)represent environmental issues leading to aggravated environmental and social injustices in these societies. The article argues for a 'solution journalism approach‘ to environmental communication, whereby media as advocates of development, focus more on the contextual factors within which environmental issues and problems transpire. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karla Angelica Valenzuela Moreno

Due to the adverse economic conditions in Mexico and the need for offshore labour in Canadian agriculture, Mexico entered the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) in 1974 as a source country, becoming the country that exports the highest number of agricultural works to Canada. While abroad, these workers have genuine needs that should be addressed by the Mexican government, but unfortunately the Mexican government has failed to provide adequate protection to its nationals. This paper offers an overview of the situation in rural Mexico, the operational aspects of the program and its violations; it identifies the workers' needs and the most important national and international documents that regulate the protection of nationals abroad. This research is a critique of the role of the Mexican government in the protection of the seasonal agricultural workes in Canada, identifying the limitations that the State faces for providing protection to its nationals.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valeria Marina Valle ◽  
Wilma Laura Gandoy Vázquez ◽  
Karla Angélica Valenzuela Moreno

The 2010 Affordable Care Act (ACA) improved access to healthcare in the United States. However, immigrants —especially those undocumented— still faced difficulties, which have increased during the Trump administration. In order to bring access to health services to its nationals, the Mexican government has implemented the Health Windows Program (Ventanillas de Salud, or VDS). The article reviews changes in the U.S. healthcare system from the ACA to date, and assesses the role of VDS. The methodology is qualitative, consisting of a literature review, interviews with community leaders and Mexican government officials, and questionnaires sent to four VDS: Arizona, Florida, Idaho and Texas. Results show that VDS provide reliable and affordable access to basic healthcare services, and detection of chronic and non-communicable diseases, especially within undocumented immigrants. Public policy recommendations are offered based on these findings. Limitations of the study include the data collected, which is non-representative of all VDS.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 202
Author(s):  
Victor Lord Owusu

This paper measures the level of participation in Ghana’s four most recent development policy and planning documents, from the Vision 2020 to the Ghana Shared Growth and Development Agenda. Using Systematic Review and a developed modified version of Arnstein’s Ladder of Citizen Participation, the paper concludes that development planning in Ghana is top down and non participatory. The paper further uncovered that civilian and military governments before and after independence in 1957 adopted the top down approach and planned from the centre with no traces of citizens’ participation in the planning processes. It was further determined that this top down and non participatory mode of planning is deeply enshrined in Ghana’s current and past development planning culture and history, a legacy bequeathed to colonies by colonialists.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 160940691987646 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saltanat Janenova

This article provides a reflective analysis of a local scholar on methodological challenges of conducting research in Kazakhstan — a post-Soviet, authoritarian, Central Asian country. It specifically addresses the problems of getting access to government officials and the quality of data, describes the strategies applied by the researcher to mitigate these obstacles, and discusses the impact of the political environment on decisions relating to the research design, ethical integrity, safety of participants and researchers, and publication dilemma. This article will be of interest both for researchers who are doing or planning to conduct research in Kazakhstan and Central Asia and those who are researching in nondemocratic contexts as methodological challenges of an authoritarian regime stretch beyond the geographical boundaries.


2021 ◽  
pp. 16-33
Author(s):  
Paul Lagunes

This chapter explores the overlap between corruption and inefficiency. This chapter also evaluates the merits of different accountability mechanisms featured in the existing literature, such as: vertical and horizontal accountability, fire alarm and police patrol oversight, and bottom-up and top-down monitoring. Irrespective of the accountability mechanism that is ultimately preferred, it seems clear that those who wish to promote integrity in government must, first, have the means to uncover wrongdoing, and, second, be in a credible position to threaten wrongdoers with punishment. Stated simply, additional layers of oversight will only have the intended effect if government officials sense that abusing their power has some probability of resulting in punishment.


Author(s):  
Denise van der Kamp

China’s high-profile anti-pollution campaigns have fueled theories of authoritarian environmental efficiency. In a regime where bureaucrats are sensitive to top-down scrutiny, central campaigns are expected to be powerful tool for reducing pollution. Focusing on China’s nationwide pollution inspections campaign, I assess these claims of authoritarian efficiency. I find that central inspections (or “police patrols”) have no discernable impact on air pollution. I argue that inspections were ineffective because environmental enforcement requires a degree of sustained scrutiny that one-off campaigns cannot provide. The deterrent effect of inspections is also undercut by the regime’s ambivalence towards independent courts and unsupervised public participation. These findings suggest that China’s obstacles to pollution enforcement may be greater than anticipated, and theories of authoritarian efficiency overlook gaps in authoritarian state capacity.


2016 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Kirkland Bess

Through an examination of the political and legal debates over the role of road building in Mexico between 1920 and 1938, this essay shows how these debates became a symbol of nationalist “progress” after the military phase of Revolution. During this time, the Mexican state confronted foreign commercial interests as federal, state, and local officials launched construction efforts for new motorways. Legal and bureaucratic reforms emphasized national sovereignty over Mexico’s transportation infrastructure, challenging private ownership of roads and limiting foreign investment in the highway system. Road building represented an important moment of historical continuity between the liberal regime under Porfirio Díaz and the revolutionary states that followed. This article contributes to the scholarly literature on state formation in Mexico, concentrating on how government officials, the courts, and everyday citizens shaped the country’s politics of economic development and regional mobility. A través del examen de los debates políticos y legales en torno a la construcción de carreteras en México entre 1920 y 1938, este ensayo muestra cómo dichos debates se convirtieron en un símbolo de “progreso” nacionalista tras la fase militar de la Revolución. Durante este tiempo, el Estado mexicano se enfrentó a los intereses comerciales extranjeros al tiempo que los funcionarios federales, estatales y locales emprendieron esfuerzos para la construcción de nuevas autopistas. Las reformas legales y burocráticas hacían énfasis en la soberanía nacional sobre la infraestructura de los transportes en México, desafiando así la propiedad privada de las carreteras y limitando la inversión extranjera en el sistema de autopistas. La construcción de carreteras representó un importante momento de continuidad histórica entre el régimen liberal de Porfirio Díaz y los Estados revolucionarios que le siguieron. Este artículo contribuye a la literatura especializada sobre la formación del Estado en México, concentrándose en la forma en que los funcionarios del gobierno, las cortes y los ciudadanos de a pie conformaron la política de desarrollo económico y movilidad regional del país.


2017 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 428-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Darrah-Okike

For much of its modern history, growth machine dynamics in Hawai‘i prevailed on a regional scale. Strikingly, recent events suggest that the hegemony of Hawai‘i’s growth machine has been disrupted. This article offers an in-depth case study of a major luxury development project on the island of Hawai‘i where development interests were thwarted despite the support of growth interests and local government officials. I show how local protesters made use of state-level historic preservation law, Native Hawaiian burial protections, state-level agricultural boundaries, and frames and meanings of land promulgated by the Native Hawaiian movement. Viewing this stalled housing project as an extended case study reveals how regional institutions and flexible social movement frames can be leveraged to promote alternatives to growth machines. I also highlight how distinctive regional institutions—that have evolved over time through institutional layering—may be prompting growth machine disruption in Hawai‘i, an understudied tourism and real-estate dependent economy. Finally, the case study suggests specific ways that local mobilization interacts with global economic downturns to shape spatial outcomes.


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