Targets

2018 ◽  
pp. 87-115
Author(s):  
Nikki Jones

Chapter 3 illustrates how the crime-fighting community cedes responsibility for the control of young Black men most vulnerable to violence as either victim or perpetrator to the most powerful and punitive member of the community: the criminal justice system. This isolation and vulnerability is evidenced in the daily and routine interactions among a range of law enforcement actors in the neighborhood and young Black men, which makes the adolescent period for today’s youth markedly different than that of Eric and his peers. In places where targeted policing practices persist over time, the juvenile and criminal justice system can become the most significant institutional presence in young men’s lives, which can make it even harder to reach young, Black men in crisis. Routine encounters with the police, which are facilitated and legitimized by the crime-fighting community, also shape the gender socialization of young men and exacerbate the vulnerability of other neighborhood adolescents to gendered forms of violence, including Black women and girls.

2018 ◽  
pp. 142-161
Author(s):  
Nikki Jones

Chapter 5 tells the story of Jay, one of several young men that Eric and his group tried to support shortly in his efforts to break free from the criminal justice system. I first met Jay when he was in his early twenties. He was just beginning to construct the kind of narrative and life that would lead him away from the street. Five years after our first meeting, I found myself speaking at Jay’s funeral. This chapter reveals the limitations of buffer-and-bridge work when it comes to changing the life trajectory of young men like Jay and highlights the limitations of the crime-fighting community when it comes to protecting Black youth from violence. The chapter provides a compelling illustration of how and why individualistic efforts at transformation or narrowly focused calls for the redemption of Black men in general and Black fathers in particular – narratives often embraced by a variety of community residents – will always fall short of delivering young people from the various forms of violence that shape their adolescence.


Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Erin Beck ◽  
Amir Mohamed

In 2008, Guatemala passed the Law against Femicide and Other Forms of Violence against Women, establishing the gender-based killing of women (femicide) as a unique crime. Since then, over 9000 Guatemalan women and girls have died violent deaths. How do Guatemalan institutions and publics react to these women’s murders, and what do these reactions reveal about the impacts of legislative reform for individual victims, Guatemalan society, and criminal justice institutions? To answer these questions, we analyze state, media, and public reactions to three high-profile femicides that took place after the 2008 VAW Law. We trace the criminal justice response and legal developments following each femicide, and couple this with an analysis of newspaper coverage and social media commentary about the case. We find that despite the passage of new legislation and the creation of new institutions, various weaknesses in the Guatemalan criminal justice system undermine the impacts of reforms. These weaknesses in the criminal justice system produce three types of injuries: (1) individual injuries by hurting victims and their families; (2) public injuries by diverting public attention away from reflections about social norms and VAWG; and (3) institutional injuries by reinforcing the public’s distrust of the criminal justice system.


2018 ◽  
pp. 217-246
Author(s):  
Adam Malka

Slavery in Maryland died during the 1860s, but for all of their promise the changes also brought heartbreak. As Chapter 7 shows, black men’s acquisition of a fuller bundle of property rights and legal protections brought them into conflict with the very criminal justice system built to guard those rights and ensure those protections. White commentators scoffed at black men’s supposed indolence and bristled at their households’ apparent disorder; police officers arrested black Baltimoreans for an expanding list of crimes; and black people, black men in particular, were incarcerated at growing rates. During the years immediately following the Civil War, Baltimore’s policemen and prisons perpetrated a form of racial violence that was different from yet indicative of the violence inflicted by the old order’s vigilantes. Castigated as criminals, freedmen’s legal victories provoked a form of policing reserved for the truly free.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cassia Spohn

One of the goals of the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women is to end violence against women and girls in all countries. An important component of this goal is ensuring that all crimes of violence against women and girls are taken seriously by the criminal justice system and that police, prosecutors, judges and jurors respond appropriately. However, research detailing how cases of sexual assault proceed in the criminal justice system reveals that this goal remains elusive, both in the United States and elsewhere. The rape reform movement ushered in changes to traditional rape law that were designed to encourage victims to report to the police and to remove barriers to arrest and successful prosecution. However, four decades after this reform, victims are still reluctant to report sexual assaults to the police, and arrest, prosecution and conviction rates for sexual assault cases are shockingly low. Reversing these trends will require policy changes that are designed to counteract the stereotypes and myths underpinning sexual assault and sexual assault victims.


1998 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael L. Prendergast ◽  
Yih-Ing Hser ◽  
Virginia Gil-Rivas

The purpose of this paper is to examine differences in patterns and consequences of narcotics use among Hispanic and white addicts over time. Data were gathered from admission records and from interviews conducted in 1974–75 and 1985–86 from 323 Hispanic and 212 white narcotics addicts admitted to the California Civil Addict Program in 1962 to 1964. Analyses compared the two groups on narcotics use, incarceration, mortality, and other characteristics at each follow-up point and in terms of drug-use status. Compared with white addicts, Hispanic addicts showed a progression of more persistent and severe narcotics addiction. At each interview point, Hispanics were more likely than whites to be using opiates or to be incarcerated. Comparisons of opiate use at the two interview points showed that Hispanics were less likely than whites to remain abstinent and were more likely to relapse to opiate use. Overall, Hispanics also had greater involvement in the criminal justice system, higher rates of cocaine use, and a higher proportion of deaths due to violence and accidents.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert O Motley ◽  
Yu-Chih Chen ◽  
Carnayla Johnson ◽  
Sean Joe

Abstract The prevalence of community-based violence (CBV) exposure among black American male emerging adults ages 18 to 25 with a history of involvement with the criminal justice system is a major public health concern. Although exposure (whether as victim or witness) to CBV is linked with negative outcomes, empirical research examining black men’s negative emotional responses to seeing videos of real-life incidents of CBV on social media is scant. To address these identified concerns and make recommendations for future research, the present study examines the relationship between seeing videos of CBV on social media and three types of negative emotional responses (that is, feeling sad, angry, and fearful) prior to incarceration among a sample of 101 black men detained in a midwestern jail. Social media use and seeing videos of CBV on social media were moderately high for study participants. Seeing a video involving police violence was significantly associated with an increase in the odds of feeling sad, angry, and fearful. Social media research is an emerging area that has the potential to advance our understanding of the impact of seeing social media videos of police violence on the well-being of black men and factors that mediate or moderate this relationship.


1987 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Joe

This article hypothesizes that at least part of the reason minority youth are overrepresented in the criminal justice system is that they see few prospects for future economic success in comparison to Whites. Blacks are over three times as likely to be poor as Whites; their median income is only half that of Whites; their net worth (defined as total assets owned minus any liabilities) is only one-twelfth that of Whites; and Black men are twice as likely to be jobless as White men. Without radical changes in the use-service system, we should not be surprised if minority youths continue to remain outside the mainstream economy.


Author(s):  
Mark Smith ◽  
Aynslie Hinds ◽  
Heather Prior ◽  
Dan Chateau

BackgroundUnder the National Housing Strategy, the Canadian government will make historic investments in housing over the next decade. The Canadian Mortgage and Housing Corporation is leading a research strategy to evaluate the impact of these investments. As part of this initiative, the Manitoba Center for Health Policy is conducting a pilot study to determine whether administrative data can be used to assess impacts, specifically looking at health, education and involvement in the justice system. ApproachUsing administrative data we tested for changes in healthcare use and justice involvement in the two years before and after a cohort of individuals moved into public housing. Additionally, to determine if changes in the outcomes over time were unique to public housing, we included a matched comparison group of individuals who did not reside in public housing. GLM with generalized estimating equations tested for differences over time and between cohorts in the number of hospitalizations, inpatient days, emergency department visits, and contacts with the criminal justice system. The data were modeled using a Poisson distribution (rate ratio, RR). Results Compared to the matched cohort, individuals accepted into public housing showed a significant decline in number of hospitalizations (pre RR=1.58 (1.53, 1.63), post RR=1.23 (1.19, 1.27), days in hospital (pre RR=1.66 (1.64, 1.68), post RR=1.24 (1.23, 1.26) and visits to the emergency department (pre RR=1.57 (1.52, 1.62), post RR=1.42 (1.38, 1.47). A trend towards fewer involvements with the criminal justice system was also observed (pre RR=1.37 (1.32, 1.43), post RR=1.28 (1.22, 1.34). No significant differences were noted for total respiratory morbidity or high school grades. ConclusionAdministrative data show good potential to be used for the evaluation of public housing impacts on a wide range of health and social outcomes. Additional indicator comparisons will be reported at the conference.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document