The 2003 Israeli Elections: Labor's Increasing Irrelevance?

2003 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 53-63
Author(s):  
Michel Warschawski

This report analyzes the results of the January 2003 Israeli elections and their implications for Israeli society and, indirectly, for the future of the Palestinian question. In examining voter behavior and the characteristics and trends within the main political groupings——including Labor, Likud, Meretz, Shinui, and the various "sectoral" parties——the article provides a broad portrait of the contemporary Israeli body politic. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's calculations in forming a governing coalition are also discussed.

Author(s):  
Nurit Yaari

This chapter looks at theatrical productions created in the wake of the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995, which sought to convey the shock that permeated Israeli society as a result, and to provide theatrical responses to help the grieving community come to terms with his death. The chapter analyses the theatrical oeuvre of four post dramatic theatre creators—Ruth Kanner, Ilan Ronen, Rina Yerushalmi, and Hanan Snir—who saw Greek classical tragedy as a vast artistic arena where the political, the humanistic, and the artistic-performative merge, encompassing present and past, myth and history. Moreover, classical Greek tragedy allowed them to project their most disturbing concerns about the Israeli present and future by tearing apart the well-known texts, deconstructing their dramatic templates, and editing, adapting, revising, and redesigning their content in the decades after Rabin’s assassination, when hope gave way to despair.


1991 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-855 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Rose

During Queen Anne's reign it was thought noteworthy that, in an age otherwise disfigured by party rancour, the charity school movement had won general acclaim. ‘No colourable Objection has been made against it’, declared the high churchman Andrew Snape in 1711, ‘nor indeed can it meet with Opposition from any, but those who are unwilling that the Empire of the Devil should be weaken'd, that Vice and Immorality should lose any Ground, and who are the declar'd Enemies of God and Goodness’. Charity schools were viewed as a force for unity in a politically divided society. Writing to Robert Harley in August 1710, John Hooke expressed his hope that Harley would lead a non-party ‘Coalition of Honest Men’, and noted universal praise for the charity schools as a sign of optimism for the future. At the 1709 anniversary service of the London charity schools, Samuel Bradford, a whig divine, bemoaned divisions in the body politic, but happily remarked that ‘The design which we are here pursuing has a natural tendency to unite the serious and pious of different persuasions amongst us’ Bradford's joy, though, was tempered with a warning. Just as there was ‘nothing more likely to unite us, than the zealous Prosecution of such a design’, so there was ‘nothing could so effectually defeat our endeavours in this case, as the espousing or promoting any particular Party or Faction’. The Reverend Lord Willoughby de Broke also feared that the charity schools would be dragged into the arena of party conflict. The charity would flourish, he commented in 1712, “if our political Discords do not withhold the Mercy of God from prospering this good work”.


Author(s):  
Simon Moorhead

Liz Fell’s interview in 2011 with the Australian Shadow Minister for Telecommunications, Malcolm Turnbull MP, was notable for his combativeness (rare amongst her interviewees). In tribute to both Ms Fell and Mr Turnbull, we republish that interview with the future Prime Minister who, as Minister for Communications in 2013-15, implemented the multi-technology mix redesign of the National Broadband Network.


Author(s):  
Anna Müller

This article looks at a select number of biographies of Władysław Gomułka—an important postwar Polish politician, who because of his long presence in politics is often perceived as the de facto Polish postwar leader. He served in multiple roles: parliamentary deputy, deputy prime minister, minister, member of the Council of State, and the First Secretary of the communist party. I argue that for historians who take up the task of writing his biography, Gomułka is more than a historical figure, and that writing about him allows them to ponder the question of agency and historical contingencies, as well as the meaning of the past for the present. Not surprisingly, Gomułka’s biography serves as a form of a meta-commentary on contemporary approach to the Communist history and its place in Polish history. The existing biographies contain reflections, even if indirectly, on the nature of Communism in Poland, not as elements of the past but as aspects of the present that loom over the future. By the same token, the lack of interest in Gomułka at certain important historical junctures, or a rather selective interest, indicates not as much a lack of interest in an important politician, but rather a certain skewed interest in Communism—not just its shortcomings, but also its potential benefits. The silence gives a certain perception of Communism as something pushed to the margins.


Worldview ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 17 (10) ◽  
pp. 34-40
Author(s):  
Barry Rubin

The debate now going on in Israel over government policies, attitudes toward a political settlement, and the Palestinian question is bound to have an important effect on the future of Israel and on the Arab-Israeli conflict in general. It is politically important to understand that there has been a tendency within some Arab circles to mistake Israel's situation. The Arabs have understandably come to value unity very highly, although they have so often found it elusive, and they therefore view the deep splits in Israeli politics as a sign of weakness. After all, even in Beirut—the freest city for ideas in the Arab world—a newspaper editor was indicted on charges of attacking the King of Saudi Arabia and another kidnapped for displeasing a political faction. But Israelis view their disagreements in print and in parliament (the Knesset) as a sign of nealthy democratic life and a welcome change from the stifling consensus of the Meir years.


Author(s):  
Edward E. Curtis IV

The future of US democracy depends on the question of whether Muslim Americans can become full social and political citizens. Though many Muslims have worked toward full assimilation since the 1950s, it has mattered little whether they have expressed dissent or supported the political status quo. Their efforts to assimilate have been futile because the liberal terms under which they have negotiated their citizenship have simultaneously alienated Muslims from the body politic. Focusing on both electoral and grassroots Muslim political participation, this book reveals Muslim challenges to and accommodation of liberalism from the Cold War to the war on terror. It shows how the Nation of Islam both resisted and made use of postwar liberalism, and then how Malcolm X sought a political alternative in his Islamic ethics of liberation. The book charts the changing Muslim American politics of the late twentieth century, examining how Muslim Americans fashioned their political participation in response to a form of US nationalism tied to war-making against Muslims abroad. The book analyzes the everyday resistance of Muslim American women to an American identity politics that put their bodies at the center of US public life and it assesses the attempts of Muslim Americans to find acceptance through military service. It concludes with an examination of the role of Muslim American dissent in the contemporary politics of the United States.


Significance The Dail convened on March 10 to elect a taoiseach (prime minister), but no nominee was able to attract the support of anything close to a majority. Impacts Ireland's problems including the decline in public services are unlikely to be addressed while a caretaker government is in place. Substantial delays in forming a new government could raise Irish bond prices. The future of Irish Water, a body set up to deal with water supply problems whose abolition was demanded by the opposition, is uncertain. The crisis may bring about a long-promised reform of the way the Dail operates, giving it a larger and more constructive role.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 381-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maya Lavie-Ajayi

This article is an autoethnographic exploration of how my family lives with the memory of my uncle, who was killed in service as an enlisted soldier of the Israeli Defense Force during the Yom Kippur War (also known as the 1973 Arab–Israeli War). This article considers how the memory of my uncle has been constructed through the yearly national cycle of military and family ceremonies. Participation in military ceremonies of this nature is a way for my family to deal with the intolerable pain of my uncle’s death. Yet, I argue, this yearly cycle of commemoration is part of “the cult of the fallen” at the heart of contemporary Israeli society; a cult which places the death of my uncle as part of the narrative of inevitable, ongoing national conflict, connecting the past and the present and justifying further militarism in the future.


1998 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan McCargo

This article argues that constitutionalism is a 'disease' that afflicts Thailand's body politic, reflecting intense contestation among rival elite power-holders. The recent debates concerning political reform in Thailand (which culminated in the promulgation of the 1997 constitution) illustrate this contestation vividly. The vague, positive-sounding term 'political reform' actually means many different things to different people: it is a highly contested concept which has been used to legitimate a variety of political agendas, ranging from progressive ideas, to deeply conservative and even anti-democratic sentiments. The resulting constitution is an excessively long and deeply unsatisfactory document. Nevertheless, it may contain certain details that offer opportunities for the future opening-up of greater political space.


Author(s):  
Jakub Bartolik

China is an emerging superpower. Its economical strength contrasts the lack of free speech and other liberties crucial for a prosperous economy. The democratic opposition is almost in its demise and society has little interest in politics. However, it hasn’t always been like that. This paper shows how the democratic movement emerged and it has developed since the mourning over the death of prime minister Zhou Enlai in 1976 during the Qing Ming, or the Tomb Sweeping festival. It also focuses on the intellectual turmoil of the Wall of Democracy in 1978, where some of the most important dissidents were published. This Chinese Hyde Park was officially closed in 1979 as the wave of repressions hit the dissidents. That event became a solid foundation for the future democratic opposition.


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