scholarly journals Return Migration and the Rise of the Palestinian Nouveaux Riches, 1870–1925

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Norris
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Return Migration ◽  
Family Relations ◽  
Small Towns ◽  
World War ◽  
Palestinian Society ◽  
Place Of Origin ◽  
Bourgeois Culture ◽  
External Actors ◽  
Late Ottoman

This article examines the figure of the returning émigré in late Ottoman and early Mandate Palestine. The wave of Palestinians who emigrated in the pre-World War I period did not, for the most part, intend to settle abroad permanently. Hailing largely from small towns and villages in the Palestinian hilly interior, they moved in and out of the Middle East with great regularity and tended to reinvest their money and social capital in their place of origin. The article argues that these emigrants constituted a previously undocumented segment of Palestinian society, the nouveaux riches who challenged the older elites from larger towns and cities in both social and economic terms. The discussion focuses in particular on their creation of new forms of bourgeois culture and the disruptive impact this had on gender and family relations, complicating the assumption that middle-class modernity in Palestine was largely effected by external actors.

A Perverted Balance: Modern Salafism between Reform and Jihād*

2017 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Itzchak Weismann
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
World War ◽  
Religious Intellectuals ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Late Ottoman ◽  
Muslim Brothers

This article argues that there are structural affinities and continuities between the late nineteenth-century modernist reformers and today’s quietist, political, and jihādī Salafī factions. Salafism refers to the basic theological-ideological formation that postulates a return to pristine Islam to overcome tradition and bring regeneration. The Salafī balance between authenticity and modernization promoted by enlightened religious intellectuals in the late Ottoman period was shattered by the events of World War I and its aftermath. This resulted in its bifurcation between conservatives, who adopted literalist and xenophobic Wahhābī positions, and modernists, primarily the Muslim Brothers, who employed innovative means in their religio-political struggle to re-Islamize society and oust colonialism. The Salafī balance was reconstructed after independence on new, unenlightened lines in the Saudi Islamic Awakening (al-Ṣaḥwa al-Islāmiyya), which combined the erstwhile rigorous Wahhābī teachings with radicalized Islamism. Global jihādī-Salafism completed the perversion of the modernist Salafī balance by reducing the authentic way of the salaf to excommunication and violence and by using the most modern means in its war against both Westerners and indigenous Muslim governments.


scholarly journals WOMEN'S VISIBILITY IN PETITIONS FROM GREATER SYRIA DURING THE LATE OTTOMAN PERIOD

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 765-781 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fruma Zachs ◽  
Yuval Ben-Bassat
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Literary Fiction ◽  
World War ◽  
General Overview ◽  
Late Ottoman

AbstractThis article focuses on petitions by Ottoman women from Greater Syria during the late Ottoman era. After offering a general overview of women's petitions in the Ottoman Empire, it explores changes in women's petitions between 1865 and 1919 through several case studies. The article then discusses women's “double-voiced” petitions following the empire's defeat in World War I, particularly those submitted to the King-Crane Commission. The concept of “double-voiced” petitions, or speaking in a voice that reflects both a dominant and a muted discourse, is extended here from the genre of literary fiction to Ottoman women's petitions. We argue that in Greater Syria double-voiced petitions only began to appear with the empire's collapse, when women both participated in national struggles and strove to protect their rights as women in their own societies.

scholarly journals SHINY THINGS AND SOVEREIGN LEGALITIES: EXPROPRIATION OF DYNASTIC PROPERTY IN THE LATE OTTOMAN EMPIRE AND EARLY TURKISH REPUBLIC

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-463
Author(s):  
Ceyda Karamursel
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Legislative Process ◽  
World War ◽  
Turkish Republic ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
Entry Points ◽  
To Come ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Late Ottoman

AbstractThis article probes the legal expropriation of dynastic property in the late Ottoman Empire and early Turkish Republic. Focused on the period from Abdülhamid II's deposal in 1909 to the decade immediately following the abolition of the caliphate in 1924, it takes parliamentary debates as entry points for exploring how this legislative process redefined the sovereign's relationship with property. Although this process was initially limited only to Yıldız Palace, the debates that surrounded it heuristically helped to shape a new understanding of public ownership of property that was put to use in other contexts in the years to come, most notably during and after World War I and the Armenian genocide, before establishing itself as the foundation of a new ownership regime with the republican appropriation and reuse of property two decades later.

“NATIONALISM” AND KURDISH NOTABLES IN THE LATE OTTOMAN–EARLY REPUBLICAN ERA

2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hakan Özoğlu
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
World War ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
Hard Data ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Early Republican ◽  
Late Ottoman

The era culminating in World War I saw a transition from multinational empires to nation-states. Large empires such as the Austro-Hungarian and the Ottoman searched for ways to cope with the decline of their political control, while peoples in these empires shifted their political loyalties to nation-states. The Ottoman Empire offers a favorable canvas for studying new nationalisms that resulted in many successful and unsuccessful attempts to form nation-states. As an example of successful attempts, Arab nationalism has received the attention that it deserves in the field of Middle Eastern studies.1 Students have engaged in many complex debates on different aspects of Arab nationalism, enjoying a wealth of hard data. Studies on Kurdish nationalism, however, are still in their infancy. Only a very few scholars have addressed the issue in a scholarly manner.2 We still have an inadequate understanding of the nature of early Kurdish nationalism and its consequences for the Middle East in general and Turkish studies in particular. Partly because of the subject's political sensitivity, many scholars shy away from it. However, a consideration of Kurdish nationalism as an example of unsuccessful attempts to form a nation-state can contribute greatly to the study of nationalism in the Middle East.

ATROCITY PROPAGANDA AND THE NATIONALIZATION OF THE MASSES IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE DURING THE BALKAN WARS (1912–13)

2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-778 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y. Doğan Çetinkaya
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Home Front ◽  
World War ◽  
Balkan Wars ◽  
The Masses ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Turkish Language ◽  
Late Ottoman

AbstractDuring the Balkan Wars (1912–13), the mobilization of the home front became significant for the belligerent states, which initiated propaganda activities demonizing their enemies and galvanizing the emotions of their publics. This paper explores one type of such mobilization efforts from above, atrocity propaganda, through which states sought to invoke hatred and mobilize public support for war by focusing on the atrocities (mezalim) that their coreligionists had suffered at the hands of enemies. Although the term “atrocity propaganda” has been used exclusively in the context of World War I in the historiography, the practice it describes was effectively utilized during the earlier Balkan Wars. In the Ottoman Empire, both state and civil initiatives played crucial roles in the making of atrocity propaganda, which was disseminated through intense coverage in the Turkish-language press. The imagery it employed shifted with the onset of the wars, becoming increasingly shocking. Atrocity propaganda contributed to the well-known radicalization of nationalism in the late Ottoman Empire.

The 1914 Generation Artists

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy Shaw
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
World War I ◽  
Fine Arts ◽  
French Language ◽  
World War ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Military ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Late Ottoman

The artists historiographically grouped as the 1914 Generation transformed the Westernizing artistic impulse of the late Ottoman era into the modernizing impulse of the Republic of Turkey, founded in 1923. Stylistically, the 1914 Generation distinguishes itself from earlier generations through its interest in naturalism, and from later generations through its disinterest in aesthetic modernism. More than functioning as a cohesive movement, the 1914 Generation came to prominence as a result of the onset of World War I. The artists most often included within this categorization include: Nazmi Ziya Güran (1881–1937), Mehmet Ruhi Arel (1880–1931), İbrahim Çallı (1882–1960), Hikmet Onat (1882–1977), Feyhaman Duran (1886–1970), Hüseyin Avni Lifij (1886–1927), and Namık İsmail (1890–1935). Although often excluded because of their lack of affiliation with the Istanbul Academy of Fine Arts, artists who may be considered in conjunction with this category by virtue of their participation in the pivotal transition from Ottoman to Turkish national identity also include Şevket (Dağ; 1876–1948), a teacher at the French-language Galatasaray Lycée, the military-trained artists Mehmet Sami Yetik (1878–1935), Mehmet Ali Laga (1878–1947) and Ali Sami Boyar (1880–1967), as well as the female artist Mihri Rasim/Müşfik (1886–1954).

Institutionalized migrant solidarity in the late Ottoman Empire: Armenian homeland associations (1800s–1920s)

2020 ◽  
Vol 63 ◽  
pp. 55-79
Author(s):  
Yaşar Tolga Cora
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Information Networks ◽  
Demographic Changes ◽  
World War ◽  
Nineteenth And Twentieth Centuries ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Late Ottoman ◽  
Community Administration

By focusing on the Armenian homeland associations (hayrenakts‘akank‘) established in Istanbul in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this article examines the migrants’ activism and their achievements—facilitated by affective bonds based on shared origins. It outlines the Istanbul-based homeland associations’ development chronologically and discusses their cultural and economic goals in their home regions in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The article then focuses on their durability and ability to adapt to the needs of the communities in the series of great political and demographic changes in the late Ottoman Empire from mid-1890s to their reconstruction after the end of World War I. The homeland associations established in the post-genocide period reflect the persistence of local belonging as a basis of solidarity and they fulfilled important functions as information networks and intermediaries between the survivors and the community administration. The article argues that Armenian homeland associations constituted a space in which agency of the migrants and their interaction with broader social and political developments could be observed in the late Ottoman Empire. They were one of the most durable and institutionalized forms of migrant solidarity which render migrants’ agency visible in the historiography of the late Ottoman Empire.

The Politics of Poor Relief in the Late Ottoman Empire 1876-1914

1999 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadir Özbek
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor Relief ◽  
World War ◽  
Second Constitutional Period ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Late Ottoman

This article examines the Ottoman state's increasing involvement in caring for the poor and the needy and the emergence of modern relief institutions and hospitals throughout the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The particular focus will be on the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (1876-1909) and the second constitutional period (1908-14) up until World War I.Rather than presenting the emergence of poor-relief institutions in the Ottoman Empire as a function of increasing poverty and need, or as a function of the state's desire to control and regulate the urban population for various concerns, I concentrate on the dynamics of the political sphere. I will focus particularly on the political conflict between the sultan and the new political elite, whose identity was defined in relation to newly structured state functions and services.

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