"A Fiasco of Noble Proportions"

2004 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 619-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES McALLISTER
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
State Department ◽  
The State ◽  
Johnson Administration ◽  
The South ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
Popular Government ◽  
Communist Government ◽  
The Government

The 1967 presidential elections in South Vietnam presented U.S. policymakers with their last opportunity to establish a potentially popular and legitimate non-communist government there. This article examines how and why the Johnson administration squandered this opportunity over the course of 1967. U.S. policymakers faced the choice of intervening actively to promote a more civilian popular government or adopting a stance of non-intervention that would effectively keep the government in the hands of South Vietnam's military rulers. Although many of Johnson's closest advisers and the State Department preferred the former policy, the administration largely pursued the policy of non-intervention advocated by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge and the Saigon Embassy. By choosing stability over reform, Johnson's policy toward the South Vietnamese election of 1967 helped ensure that U.S. efforts to wage war would continue to be compromised by its support of a corrupt, unpopular regime in Saigon.

1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat (deel 2)

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-321
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The South ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The North ◽  
Ministerial Responsibility ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution

In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.

Historical Research in Vietnam: A Tentative Survey

1995 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyên Thê Anh
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political System ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
The South ◽  
Complete Collection ◽  
The North ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
The Government ◽  
North Vietnam ◽  
Civil Government

The communist take-over of South Vietnam in 1975 presents a certain resemblance to what happened two hundred years before, when the Trinh lords in the North overran the Nguyen's polity in the South by 1775, seizing the territories that had been separate from their control for over two centuries. The similitude of the two situations did seem highly symbolic to the Institute of Historical Studies in Hanoi, which on the pretext of publishing a complete collection of the eighteenth-century scholar Le Quy Don's works, reprinted a former translation of his “Miscellaneous chronicles of the government of the frontiers” as the first volume of this collection. This work was originally composed in 1776, after its author had been ordered south, as a member of the Trinh lords’ bureaucracy, to help restore civil government in the “recovered” areas, and facilitate their reincorporation into the north-centred political system. In its detailed description of the different aspects of southern administration, economy and society, it is tantamount to a survey of the affairs of what the author considered as an irrevocably defeated Vietnamese enemy government. This account of the southern regions at that very moment of national reunification seems also, to some extent, appropriate for the justification of the Tightness of the ideology of a North Vietnam that has just then triumphed over its adversaries.

De paradox van papieren permissie

KWALON ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotje de Vries
Keyword(s):  
South Sudan ◽  
Field Research ◽  
The State ◽  
The South ◽  
Dr Congo ◽  
South Sudanese ◽  
Security Personnel ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
Formal Procedure ◽  
The Government

The paradox of field research permits The paradox of field research permits This essay provides an account of the way in which permits for field research in South Sudan were obtained. It shows how, despite the fact that the new country did not have a formal procedure for researchers, doing fieldwork at South Sudans borders with DR Congo and Uganda would have been impossible without a few letters of endorsement signed by people within the South Sudanese government. This inherent contradiction is further complicated by a paradox: The security personnel at the border interpreted the letters differently than the staff in the government offices in the capital. The essay argues that the contradiction between practice and procedures and the paradox of variable legitimacies provide key insight in the everyday organization of the state in South Sudan, both in the center and in the periphery.

Growth of American Theories of Popular Government

1907 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-560 ◽  
Author(s):  
Albert Bushnell Hart
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Ethics ◽  
Creative Mind ◽  
The People ◽  
Popular Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
French Nation

Next to the conception of a visible church, no abstraction has had such an effect upon the minds of men as the idea of the State as an organization. The Roman Imperium has been a regnant principle in Europe for twenty centuries, against which the church in the Middle Ages made head with its doctrine of “The Two Swords”—church and empire. To the French mind “L'Etat” is something different from the body of Frenchmen or the French nation; and the old fashioned English idea of “God and the King” expressed a conception of an abstract sovereign power. It is strange that the people who have done most to alter the world's acceptance as to what government ought to be, have furnished no political creative mind, formulated no accepted philosophical basis for their government, and justify Bryce's dictum that the Americans have had no theory of the State, and have felt no need for one. “Even the dignity of the State has vanished. It seems actually less than the individuals who live under it—the nation is nothing but so many individuals. The government is nothing but certain representatives and officials.” Or as Tocqueville puts it: “As they perceive that they succeed in resolving without assistance all the little difficulties which their practical life presents, they readily conclude that everything in the world may be explained, and that nothing in it transcends the limits of the understanding.” It is true that the Americans are people who would speak disrespectfully of the equator if they knew of its existence; yet no people is more profoundly influenced by a body of political doctrine, only their point of view is that they practice freedom, equality and self-government, and therefore suppose that there must be definite principles behind those usages. While the French with their national acuteness in analysis and generalization deduce the principles of liberty from the nature of man and then strive to work them out in practice, the American theory of government is to be sought, not in treatises on political ethics or the disquisitions of American statesmen, but in the acts of assemblies, votes of conventions, proclamations of presidents and governors, and the thousand instances of exercise of an accepted authority.

scholarly journals Fighting the witches of the plurinational State. The occult dimension of the conflict between Potosi and Morales government (2015 - 2019)

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-104
Author(s):  
Pascale Absi ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Public Investment ◽  
The State ◽  
Moral Discourse ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Town

In 2015, while the town of Potosi was beginning its longest blockade in history to denounce lack of public investment, rumor spread that the government was sending witches to stem the discontent. Therefore, a group of healing women decided to organize a counter attack. In October 2019, during the controversial presidential elections, they got back into action. The purpose of th is article is to analyze Bolivia’s former government witchcraft allegations and the responses they brought forward as a political and moral discourse about the State in the context of Evo Morales's declining popularity.

Current Neutrality Problems—Some Precedents, an Appraisal, and a Draft Statute

1935 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 1022-1041
Author(s):  
Phillips Bradley
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Senate Committee ◽  
Draft Statute ◽  
The Government ◽  
First Session

The first session of the Seventy-fourth Congress saw the introduction of at least half a dozen measures dealing with the policy of the government toward belligerents in a war in which the United States is not a party. The President announced his interest in the problem, and the State Department was concerned with drafting legislation which was discussed with the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. The question will undoubtedly again be before the Congress at its next session.

The Colored Vote: The South

2008 ◽  
pp. 137-154
Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The South ◽  
Material Change ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

This chapter discusses the colored vote in the South, presenting the reason for the sanguinary revolution which resulted in the overthrow of the Republican state government in the state of Mississippi in 1875. What was true of Mississippi at that time was largely true of the other reconstructed states where similar results subsequently followed. When the War of the Rebellion came to an end, it was believed by some and apprehended by others that serious and radical changes in the previous order of things would necessarily follow. But when what was known as the Johnson plan of reconstruction was disclosed, it was soon made plain that if that plan should be accepted by the country no material change would follow, for the reason, chiefly, that the abolition of slavery would have been only in name. It was the rejection of the Johnson plan of reconstruction that upset these plans and destroyed these calculations. The Johnson plan was not only rejected, but what was known as the congressional plan of reconstruction, by which suffrage was conferred upon the colored men in all the states that were to be reconstructed, was accepted by the people of the North as the permanent policy of the government and thus made the basis of reconstruction and readmission of those states into the Union.

scholarly journals The ban of Association of Croatian Theatre Volunteers by communist authorities in Croatia (1945 – 1947)

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-34
Author(s):  
Nenad Bukvić
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Volunteer Organization ◽  
Communist Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Zagreb Area ◽  
Revolutionary Ideology ◽  
Second World

The article describes the ban of Association of Croatian Theatre Volunteers in Zagreb [Matica hrvatskih kazališnih dobrovoljaca, Zagreb], umbrella theatrical-volunteer organization in Croatia since the mid-1920s until Second World War. It was active in the country and abroad on popularisation of the art of drama, creation of the folk repertoire, as well as on bringing together acting societies, clubs and choirs. When the war ended, the Association applied for permission to restore its activities, but only in the Zagreb area. Its activities would be mainly related to education of actors – theatre volunteers and improving of theatre literature. The procedure of banning lasted from the autumn of 1945 until 5 February 1947, when the Government of the People's Republic of Croatia (PRC) [Vlada Narodne Republike Hrvatske] confirmed the ban order previously adopted by Ministry of Interior of the PRC [Ministarstvo unutrašnjih poslova Narodne Republike Hrvatske]. Also, its whole property was confiscated in favour of the State. The article also draws attention to the engagement in that ban case, showed by Aleksandar Freudenreich, a prominent architect and theater worker, as well as secretary of the Association in whole period since its founding. The ban case was analyzed in a broader context of creating a new socialist culture, in accordance with the revolutionary ideology of the new communist government.

Nigeria awaits close and contested presidential polls

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The State ◽  
The South ◽  
Legislative Elections ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
The North ◽  
South West ◽  
Edge Based

Subject Nigeria's presidential elections. Significance Nigeria will hold presidential and legislative elections on February 16, with incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari facing former Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Buhari has a slight edge based on a mass bloc of popular support in the north and a network of elite backers who can deliver voting blocs in the south-west. However, Abubakar is a formidable opponent and there is a significant chance of close, contested and even violent outcomes in multiple battleground states. Impacts The presidential elections will set the tone for the almost equally consequential gubernatorial and state assembly elections to follow. Disputed presidential elections could see violence in hotspots such as Kaduna, Kano, Plateau or Rivers, including in gubernatorial polls. Widespread perceptions of bias in key institutions will further erode trust in the state, even if Buhari wins a popular mandate fairly. A weak showing by the PDP could suggest it is now primarily a sectional party representing the south-east and south-south. If Buhari wins despite faring poorly in the south-east and south-south, this could reinforce a sense of marginalisation in those regions.

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