1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat (deel 2)

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-321
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The South ◽  
Public Office ◽  
The North ◽  
Ministerial Responsibility ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution

In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.

scholarly journals Federalist Fascism

Fascism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-322
Author(s):  
Nicolai von Eggers
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
European Community ◽  
The State ◽  
New Right ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Wide System ◽  
The French Revolution

Abstract This article analyses the New Right’s understanding of the French Revolution. Since the most prominent intellectual of the New Right, Alain de Benoist, frames ‘Jacobinism’ as the New Right’s main enemy, the New Right may be understood as a counter-tradition to what it understands as Jacobinism. De Benoist defines Jacobinism as an ideology that makes people essentially equal and identical by means of the state. Against this, he posits what he calls ‘federalism’—a project which aims at promoting and defending ethnic, cultural and other differences. In this article, the author shows how the New Right creates a mythical counter-tradition of federalism. We should understand this as a ‘federalist fascism’: instead of mass parties and an authoritarian nation-state, the New Right seeks the mythical rebirth of an Indo-European community consisting of various regional peoples who will supposedly realise their authentic nature through ethnically purified societies governed by a federal European-wide system.

Shaping Institutions

2021 ◽  
pp. 78-102
Author(s):  
Clive Emsley
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
The State ◽  
Modern State ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Public Spirit ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter focuses on the period of the French Revolution, which saw a greater emphasis on the creation of police institutions and particularly fostered developments in political policing designed to check any one or any group that appeared to threaten the state. The revolution, the wars, and the politics of the period helped to shape the police institutions of Europe for the generations that spanned the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. They also contributed to the extension of what the French term haute police and which, in 1841, had its essence defined by a prefect as ‘everything related to the security of the king and of the state and also related to public spirit, opinions manifested, news that circulates as it arrives, and the men known to be opposed to the government’. Successive regimes in France—revolutionary, Napoleonic, Restoration—developed political police to investigate internal and external threats; opponents of the French acted similarly. Political police were developed to cope with threats to what increasingly resembled the modern state, and so too were ideas and practices regarding police who could prevent crime in the streets and countryside. At the same time, popular policing and the victim’s or community’s investigations and pursuits still continued, as did victim and community discretion about how to treat a suspect.

The Colored Vote: The South

2008 ◽  
pp. 137-154
Author(s):  
John Roy Lynch
Keyword(s):  
State Government ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
The South ◽  
Material Change ◽  
The North ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government

This chapter discusses the colored vote in the South, presenting the reason for the sanguinary revolution which resulted in the overthrow of the Republican state government in the state of Mississippi in 1875. What was true of Mississippi at that time was largely true of the other reconstructed states where similar results subsequently followed. When the War of the Rebellion came to an end, it was believed by some and apprehended by others that serious and radical changes in the previous order of things would necessarily follow. But when what was known as the Johnson plan of reconstruction was disclosed, it was soon made plain that if that plan should be accepted by the country no material change would follow, for the reason, chiefly, that the abolition of slavery would have been only in name. It was the rejection of the Johnson plan of reconstruction that upset these plans and destroyed these calculations. The Johnson plan was not only rejected, but what was known as the congressional plan of reconstruction, by which suffrage was conferred upon the colored men in all the states that were to be reconstructed, was accepted by the people of the North as the permanent policy of the government and thus made the basis of reconstruction and readmission of those states into the Union.

1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat (deel 1)

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 199-227
Author(s):  
Lode Wils
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Final Phase ◽  
Nineteen Twenties ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
The North ◽  
Binding Factor ◽  
Southern Netherlands ◽  
The Creation

In dit eerste deel van zijn uiteenzetting poneert Lode Wils de door zijn bronnen onderbouwde stelling dat het ontstaan van de Belgische (natie)staat de feitelijke slotfase was van een passage van de protonatie(s) in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie. Een passage die tijdens de late twintiger jaren van de negentiende eeuw bovendien sterk gekruid werd door het Belgisch 'wij'-denken dat meer en meer het cement ging vormen in de parlementaire en buitenparlementaire contestatie tegen het Hollandse regime.Wils verbindt in zijn uiteenzetting zijn eigen onderzoek omtrent de "cruciale parlementaire debatten in de jaren 1827-1830" aan zijn lectuur van de wetenschappelijke literatuur die zowel in het Noorden als in het Zuiden werd gewijd aan die problematiek, in bijzonderheid de doctoraalstudie L’invention de la Belgique. Genèse d’un Etat-Nation. 1648-1830 van de UCL-historiograaf Sébastien Dubois. Betekenisvol is overigens de frase van Wils waarin hij stelt dat Dubois zich "na het doorworstelen van bijna 2000 archiefbundels, ergert aan de voorstelling alsof niet het koninkrijk, maar 'België' geschapen werd in 1830."________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state [part I]In this first part of his discourse Lode Wils puts forward the thesis corroborated by his sources that the creation of the Belgian (nation)state was in fact the final phase of a transition from the pre-nation(s) of the Southern Netherlands through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution. During the late nineteen twenties this transition was particularly marked by the Belgian “we-thinking” that gradually came to be the binding factor in the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary protest against the Dutch regime.  In his argument Wils connects his own research into the “crucial parliamentary debates during the period of 1827-1830” to his reading of the scientific literature, which was dedicated to that issue both in the North and in the South, in particular to the doctoral dissertation by the UCL historiographer Sébastien Dubois L’invention de la Belgique. Genèse d’un Etat-Nation. 1648-1830  (The invention of Belgium. Genesis of a Nation State: 1648-1830). We note in particular Will’s remark that Dubois “after having waded through almost 2000 archival volumes is irritated by the conception that 1830 saw the creation not of the kingdom but of ‘Belgium’.”

Sovereignty, Politics, and Reason in the Post-Revolution

2020 ◽  
pp. 146-162
Author(s):  
James Livesey
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
International Order ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Direct Effects ◽  
History Of ◽  
Legal Structures ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter focuses on the French Revolution as one of the most important moments in the entangled history of local cosmopolitanisms. Such ideas as rights, property, and democracy were consciously articulated during the Revolution as universals with cosmopolitan spheres of application, and those ideas had profound global consequences over the following two centuries. Alongside this impact on states and legal structures, the Revolution also had direct effects in every community in France and touched communities outside the hexagon, from India to Ireland. The Revolution transformed the most general contexts, putting the nation-state rather than empire as the organizing principle at the heart of the international order, but it also put the most intimate experiences, such as family and emotion, under new light. The drama of the Revolution exemplified the power of ideas and the ambition to create a rational political order.

scholarly journals CARTOGRAFIAS DA VITICULTURA EM MINAS GERAIS: da gênese no Sul à expansão para o Norte

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (20) ◽  
pp. 202106
Author(s):  
Marcelo Cervo Chelotti ◽  
Rosa Maria Vieira Medeiros
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Pattern ◽  
Agricultural Research ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Minas Gerais ◽  
The State ◽  
The South ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Tropical Regions ◽  
The North ◽  
Agricultural Census

CARTOGRAPHS OF VITICULTURE IN MINAS GERAIS: from South genesis to North expansionCARTOGRAFÍAS DE LA VITICULTURA EN MINAS GERAIS: de la génesis en el Sur a la expansión al NorteRESUMOO presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar a reorientação no deslocamento do padrão espacial do cultivo de uvas no estado de Minas Gerais, originalmente localizado no Sul, mas expandiu-se para o norte mineiro nas últimas décadas. Os procedimentos metodológicos centraram-se na revisão de literatura sobre a viticultura no Brasil, e na coleta em dados secundários na Pesquisa Agrícola Municipal/PAM/IBGE, nos Censos Agropecuários do IBGE, além do Banco de Dados de Uva, Vinho e Derivados/VITIBRASIL. Os mapas temáticos demonstraram a dinâmica da viticultura em Minas Gerais, evidenciando uma mudança no padrão espacial, ou seja, historicamente concentrada no sul do estado, mas verificamos no pós-1990 uma expansão geográfica para o norte, principalmente em direção ao Cerrado e vale do Rio São Francisco. O papel desempenhado pela pesquisa, na busca de novas técnicas para a viticultura em regiões tropicais, tem uma grande centralidade nesse processo, uma vez que estamos diante de um novo paradigma para a produção de uvas e vinhos.Palavras-chave: Viticultura; Regionalização; Geografia do Vinho; Minas Gerais.ABSTRACTThis article has the goal to analyze the reorientation in the displacement of the spatial pattern of grape cultivation in the state of Minas Gerais, originally located in the south, but has expanded to the north of Minas Gerais in recent decades. The methodological procedures focused on the literature review on viticulture in Brazil, and the collection of secondary data from the Municipal Agricultural Research/PAM/IBGE, the IBGE Agricultural Census, and the Grape, Wine and Derivatives Database/VITIBRASIL. Thematic maps showed the dynamics of viticulture in Minas Gerais, showing a change in the spatial pattern, that is, historically concentrated in the south of the state. Sao Francisco River. The role played by the research in the search for new techniques for viticulture in tropical regions has a great centrality in this process, since we are facing a new paradigm for the production of grapes and wines.Keywords: Viticulture; Regionalization; Wine Geography; Minas Gerais.RESUMENEl presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la reorientación en el desplazamiento del patrón espacial del cultivo de la uva en el estado de Minas Gerais, originalmente ubicado en el sur, pero se ha expandido al norte de Minas Gerais en las últimas décadas. Los procedimientos metodológicos se centraron en la revisión de la literatura sobre viticultura en Brasil, y en la recopilación de datos secundarios en la Investigación Agrícola Municipal/PAM/IBGE, en los Censos Agrícolas del IBGE, además de la Base de Datos de Uva, Vino y Derivados/VITIBRASIL. Los mapas temáticos demostraron la dinámica de la viticultura en Minas Gerais, mostrando un cambio en el patrón espacial, es decir, históricamente concentrado en el sur del estado, pero en la década de 1990 verificamos una expansión geográfica hacia el norte, principalmente hacia el Cerrado y Vale do Río São Francisco El papel desempeñado por la investigación, en la búsqueda de nuevas técnicas para la viticultura en las regiones tropicales, tiene una gran centralidad en este proceso, ya que nos enfrentamos a un nuevo paradigma para la producción de uvas y vinos.Palabras-clave: Viticultura; Regionalización; Geografía del Vino; Minas Gerais.

scholarly journals Tuareg-Rebellion, Islamismus und Staatskrise in Mali

2013 ◽  
Vol 43 (170) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Greven
Keyword(s):  
Social Relationship ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The State ◽  
Islamic Fundamentalism ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
Majority Population ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Government ◽  
Spontaneous Reaction

The root causes of the ongoing crisis in Northern Mali lie in the region’s underdevelopment, exacerbated by longstanding, if recently decreasing, neglect of the central government; the complex social relationship between the largest minority, the Tuareg, and the majority population, which has worsened since a largely unresolved crisis in the 1990s; and the growing interest of a small but growing number of actors involved in the drug trade and other criminal activities in the absence of the state. Among the latter have been a growing number of Jihadists, at first mostly from Algeria, who have been taking Western citizens hostage and therefore caused the US and France to pressure the Malian government to re-establish a presence of the state in the North. The clash was all but inevitable when several thousand heavily armed Tuareg fighters came to Mali after the defeat of Gaddafi in Libya. A new element of the crisis is the growing number of jihadists among the Tuareg rebels and other Malians, but neither Tuareg irredentism nor Islamic fundamentalism has more than minority support in Mali, Northern Mali, or among the Tuareg. The coup d’état against the president, while most likely a spontaneous reaction to the inability of the government to fight the rebellion, uncovered a structural crisis of Malian democracy and society. The disintegration of Mali’s long-praised formal democratic institutions after the coup showed fundamental problems. However, political supporters of the coup who assumed that the population’s tacit support of the coup could be turned into a movement for fundamental social change, had to find that it was largely an opportunistic and diffuse expression of general discontent.

scholarly journals Cybersecurity Policy and Its Implementation in Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhamad Rizal ◽  
Yanyan Yani
Keyword(s):  
Cyber Security ◽  
Cyber Attacks ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Counter Measures ◽  
Cyber Threats ◽  
Unitary State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Defense

The purpose of state defense is to protect and to save the integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the sovereignty of the state, as well as its security from all kinds of threats, whether they are military or non-military ones. One of the non-military threats that potentially threatens the sovereignty and security of the nation-state is the misuse of technology and information in cyberspace. The threat of irresponsible cyber attacks can be initiated by both state and non-state actors. The actors may be an individual, a group of people, a faction, an organization, or even a country. Therefore, the government needs to anticipate cyber threats by formulating cyber security strategies and determining comprehensive steps to defend against cyber attacks; its types and the scale of counter-measures, as well as devising the rules of law. 

scholarly journals Digital dilemmas in the (post-)pandemic state: Surveillance and information rights in South Korea

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-80
Author(s):  
Kyong Yoon
Keyword(s):  
Digital Technology ◽  
Public Safety ◽  
Personal Data ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The South ◽  
South Korean ◽  
Digital Surveillance ◽  
State Surveillance ◽  
The Government ◽  
Flow Of Information

Drawing on South Korea’s response to COVID-19, this article examines how the digital measures that were implemented by the nation state during the pandemic intensified the dilemma between public safety and information rights. South Korea’s highly praised handling of COVID-19 raises the question of how far digital technology can infiltrate everyday life for the sake of public safety and how citizens can negotiate the rapid digital transformation of a nation state. The South Korean government’s digital measures during the pandemic involved the extensive use of personal data; however, citizens were not allowed sufficient participation in the flow of information. By critically examining the South Korean case, this article reveals that the government coped with the pandemic through digital surveillance as a way to avoid physical lockdown, and in so doing, projected its desire for transition to a digitally advanced state while facilitating nationalism through a digital utopian discourse.

"A Fiasco of Noble Proportions"

2004 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 619-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES McALLISTER
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
State Department ◽  
The State ◽  
Johnson Administration ◽  
The South ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
Popular Government ◽  
Communist Government ◽  
The Government

The 1967 presidential elections in South Vietnam presented U.S. policymakers with their last opportunity to establish a potentially popular and legitimate non-communist government there. This article examines how and why the Johnson administration squandered this opportunity over the course of 1967. U.S. policymakers faced the choice of intervening actively to promote a more civilian popular government or adopting a stance of non-intervention that would effectively keep the government in the hands of South Vietnam's military rulers. Although many of Johnson's closest advisers and the State Department preferred the former policy, the administration largely pursued the policy of non-intervention advocated by Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge and the Saigon Embassy. By choosing stability over reform, Johnson's policy toward the South Vietnamese election of 1967 helped ensure that U.S. efforts to wage war would continue to be compromised by its support of a corrupt, unpopular regime in Saigon.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document